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Offline SimpleMan

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Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
« on: August 15, 2021, 05:47:35 AM »
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  • What are some ways that, from a traditional Catholic perspective, one could defend the rebellion of the American colonists against the Crown of the United Kingdom and the reign of King George III?

    I'm a monarchist.  I would have all countries ruled either by benevolent Catholic monarchs, or failing that, as Catholic commonwealths governed by wise and holy men under the Social Reign of Christ the King.  Obviously our country is neither. 

    The only justification I can think of, is that George III was at least a material heretic, and that allegiance is never owed to any monarch unless he is a Catholic monarch.  Has the Church ever taught this?  I know that Pope St Pius V absolved Englishmen of their allegiance to Elizabeth I in his bull Regnans in excelsis (1570), but according to Charles Coulombe --- who told me this personally in an email --- this only applied to Elizabeth, and not to her successors.  (Charles, if you read CathInfo, PM me, us monarchists have to stick together, by American standards, we're all crazy!  Our neighbors to the north would see matters differently.)

    Did the Church ever tell the nascent United States, "hey, you did the right thing, it was okay, other colonists in similar straits would be justified in doing likewise", or anything like that?

    Just speaking from the gut, I have to think that repudiating one's monarch is a sin against the Fourth Commandment.  So what made America different?


    Offline SimpleMan

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #1 on: August 15, 2021, 06:11:27 AM »
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  • My computer was doing weird things this morning.  The underlining came from when I was trying to be cute, and put the letter "U" in brackets when attempting to spell "neighbors" in the Canadian manner.  It took me forever to upload this post.


    Offline Quo vadis Domine

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #2 on: August 15, 2021, 06:45:05 AM »
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  • What are some ways that, from a traditional Catholic perspective, one could defend the rêbêllïon of the American colonists against the Crown of the United Kingdom and the reign of King George III?

    I'm a monarchist.  I would have all countries ruled either by benevolent Catholic monarchs, or failing that, as Catholic commonwealths governed by wise and holy men under the Social Reign of Christ the King.  Obviously our country is neither.  

    The only justification I can think of, is that George III was at least a material heretic, and that allegiance is never owed to any monarch unless he is a Catholic monarch.  Has the Church ever taught this?  I know that Pope St Pius V absolved Englishmen of their allegiance to Elizabeth I in his bull Regnans in excelsis (1570), but according to Charles Coulombe --- who told me this personally in an email --- this only applied to Elizabeth, and not to her successors.  (Charles, if you read CathInfo, PM me, us monarchists have to stick together, by American standards, we're all crazy!  Our neighbors to the north would see matters differently.)

    Did the Church ever tell the nascent United States, "hey, you did the right thing, it was okay, other colonists in similar straits would be justified in doing likewise", or anything like that?

    Just speaking from the gut, I have to think that repudiating one's monarch is a sin against the Fourth Commandment.  So what made America different?

    You make some good observations. BTW: George the 3rd was simply a heretic.
    For what doth it profit a man, if he gain the whole world, and suffer the loss of his own soul? Or what exchange shall a man give for his soul?

    Offline MiserereMei

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #3 on: August 15, 2021, 12:17:36 PM »
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  • What are some ways that, from a traditional Catholic perspective, one could defend the rêbêllïon of the American colonists against the Crown of the United Kingdom and the reign of King George III?

    I'm a monarchist.  I would have all countries ruled either by benevolent Catholic monarchs, or failing that, as Catholic commonwealths governed by wise and holy men under the Social Reign of Christ the King.  Obviously our country is neither.  

    The only justification I can think of, is that George III was at least a material heretic, and that allegiance is never owed to any monarch unless he is a Catholic monarch.  Has the Church ever taught this?  I know that Pope St Pius V absolved Englishmen of their allegiance to Elizabeth I in his bull Regnans in excelsis (1570), but according to Charles Coulombe --- who told me this personally in an email --- this only applied to Elizabeth, and not to her successors.  (Charles, if you read CathInfo, PM me, us monarchists have to stick together, by American standards, we're all crazy!  Our neighbors to the north would see matters differently.)

    Did the Church ever tell the nascent United States, "hey, you did the right thing, it was okay, other colonists in similar straits would be justified in doing likewise", or anything like that?

    Just speaking from the gut, I have to think that repudiating one's monarch is a sin against the Fourth Commandment.  So what made America different?
    There is no defense from a Catholic perspective. No religion involved in the rebelion. This was a "Caesar's" affair, not God's. Regarding allegiance to a non catholic monarc, that's also a Caesar's thing. Irish catholics supported Charles I. Remember St. Thomas Moore's words on Henry VIII, "I die the king's faithful servant, but God's first".

    Offline Romulus

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #4 on: August 15, 2021, 12:35:16 PM »
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  • Well nothing comes to mind for me other than the Catholic king of France helped us though that was because he strongly disliked the English.

    One other observation is the cινιℓ ωαr, it was similar to the revolutionary war in the sense of the south trying to break away from the tyrannical north. The Pope supported the south and even sent letters to Jefferson Davis. 


    Offline SimpleMan

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #5 on: August 15, 2021, 01:14:47 PM »
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  • Well nothing comes to mind for me other than the Catholic king of France helped us though that was because he strongly disliked the English.

    One other observation is the cινιℓ ωαr, it was similar to the revolutionary war in the sense of the south trying to break away from the tyrannical north. The Pope supported the south and even sent letters to Jefferson Davis.
    Some would say that the "tyranny" claimed by the American colonists was overblown, possibly just an excuse, part of a laundry-list put together to justify what they were doing.  Would I be correct in understanding that Canadian school pupils are taught that the USAmerican rêbêllïon was largely driven by money, viz. the colonists wanting to keep everything for themselves, rather than giving the Crown her due?  Kazimierz, can you weigh in on this?  Obviously the loyalists, who were driven north into what is now Canada, didn't think that George III was such a bad guy, nor that his reign was especially onerous.  (I might be over-simplifying things there.)



    https://genius.com/Tamarack-loyal-she-remains-lyrics

    On one of my two trips to Canada in the 1990s, I was driving in the country outside of Ottawa, and someone had a HUGE Union Jack flying from a flagpole on their porch.  Now that's loyalist.

    Offline SimpleMan

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #6 on: August 15, 2021, 01:19:20 PM »
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  • Well nothing comes to mind for me other than the Catholic king of France helped us though that was because he strongly disliked the English.

    One other observation is the cινιℓ ωαr, it was similar to the revolutionary war in the sense of the south trying to break away from the tyrannical north. The Pope supported the south and even sent letters to Jefferson Davis.
    Aside from the fact that Pius IX seemed simply to have a paternal affection for Jefferson Davis (maybe he heard the story about the Dominican schoolmasters telling a young Davis that he couldn't convert?), I have to wonder if the Church saw the WBTS as a chance to undo the liberal, secular, republican American experiment, and to keep this new, upstart, Masonic- and Enlightenment [sic]-inspired nation from getting any more powerful and uppity than it already was.

    I know that, for different reasons, this was the mindset among some European powers.

    Just saying.

    Offline Kazimierz

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #7 on: August 15, 2021, 03:54:25 PM »
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  • It has long been an article of faith of many admirers of Jefferson Davis that, while he was in Union captivity after the cινιℓ ωαr, he received a crown of thorns from Pope Pius IX woven by the hands of Pio Nono himself.  The Museum of the Confederacy in New Orleans has it on display.  It is a romantic story and appealing on an emotional level.  It is also false.  The Pope did send the imprisoned Davis his photograph with the text  from Matthew 11:28  ‘Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis, et ego reficiam vos, dicit Dominus.’ (Come to me all all ye who labor and are heavy burdened and I will give you rest, sayeth the Lord.)

    The crown of thorns was woven by Varina Davis, the wife of Jefferson Davis.  Over time the story grew up, perhaps through honest mistake, that associated the crown with the Pope.
    Da pacem Domine in diebus nostris
    Qui non est alius
    Qui pugnet pro nobis
    Nisi  tu Deus noster


    Offline JoeZ

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #8 on: August 15, 2021, 06:23:02 PM »
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  • If I may,

    1: King George broke the law. He violated the Massachusetts Bay Company charter and by extension the Magna Carta (originally written by the archbishop of Canterbury), both of which he himself was party to and subject to. The king is not infallible and can be resisted when he does wrong. This resistance brought war as the king only escalated to violence and would not redress grievances.

    2: King George declared hostilities when he ordered the illicit military governor of Massachusetts to confiscate the colonial's arms. A fighting response to immoral military aggression is justifiable. 

    3: The Parliament declared itself to have unlimited power over the colonists in all matters whatsoever. This shows that the mindset of the majority of England's legislators are willing to usurp colonial power and treasure for their own benefit. We call that stealing.

    4: The American War of Independence was not a revolution, but a war for independence.The king is no longer protector and is in fact now oppressor of the colonies. The colonial governments ordered the militias to begin training in 1774 and the clergy were almost lock step for independence. In a revolution the mob destroys the government and murders the nobles and clergy.
    Pray the Holy Rosary.

    Offline Romulus

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #9 on: August 15, 2021, 07:51:45 PM »
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  • If I may,

    1: King George broke the law. He violated the Massachusetts Bay Company charter and by extension the Magna Carta (originally written by the archbishop of Canterbury), both of which he himself was party to and subject to. The king is not infallible and can be resisted when he does wrong. This resistance brought war as the king only escalated to violence and would not redress grievances.

    2: King George declared hostilities when he ordered the illicit military governor of Massachusetts to confiscate the colonial's arms. A fighting response to immoral military aggression is justifiable.

    3: The Parliament declared itself to have unlimited power over the colonists in all matters whatsoever. This shows that the mindset of the majority of England's legislators are willing to usurp colonial power and treasure for their own benefit. We call that stealing.

    4: The American War of Independence was not a revolution, but a war for independence. The king is no longer protector and is in fact now oppressor of the colonies. The colonial governments ordered the militias to begin training in 1774 and the clergy were almost lock step for independence. In a revolution the mob destroys the government and murders the nobles and clergy.

    We didn't overthrow a monarchy as what a "Revolution" refers to, like the French Revolution.

    Offline Kazimierz

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #10 on: August 15, 2021, 07:54:14 PM »
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  • The American Revolution was orchestrated and populated by Freemasons, and we know who is behind the Freemasons. ;)

    There is no Traditional Catholic defense of the American Revolution. 

    (I too am a Catholic monarchist.)  :cowboy:
    Da pacem Domine in diebus nostris
    Qui non est alius
    Qui pugnet pro nobis
    Nisi  tu Deus noster


    Offline Romulus

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #11 on: August 15, 2021, 08:00:44 PM »
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  • The American Revolution was orchestrated and populated by Freemasons, and we know who is behind the Freemasons. ;)

    There is no Traditional Catholic defense of the American Revolution.

    (I too am a Catholic monarchist.)  :cowboy:
    I think he is looking for a more justification of the matter, rather than a Catholic stance.

    Offline Emile

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #12 on: August 15, 2021, 08:45:34 PM »
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  •  Objectively the English monarchy wanted the stability and goodness of a Catholic Kingdom whilst simultaneously rejecting the Church. More specifically they rejected the Pope and the fact that his authority is higher than theirs. The revolutionaries simply took the next step (downwards); if you can reject the Papacy why can't you reject the civil Monarchy?
    In my opinion, by having once been Catholic, but then rejecting the Faith, the English crown made forfeit any claim on her subjects. In principle Henry VIII fired the first shot of the American Revolution.
    Patience is a conquering virtue. The learned say that, if it not desert you, It vanquishes what force can never reach; Why answer back at every angry speech? No, learn forbearance or, I'll tell you what, You will be taught it, whether you will or not.
    -Geoffrey Chaucer

    Offline Emile

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    Re: Traditional Catholic defense of USA origins?
    « Reply #13 on: August 15, 2021, 08:52:23 PM »
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  • An interesting article on the revolution:

    The American Revolution, Part I: The Secrets Buried at Lexington Green

    Who Really Fired “The Shot Heard Round The World”?

    (Note: For those who would prefer to read this post in hard copy, it is Chapter Thirteen of my book .)
    FOREWORD: I do not expect this two-part article to be very popular among American patriots, many of whom are my dear friends. They are among the core of America’s best citizens; men and women who fight to protect constitutional liberties from the police state, and to preserve U.S. national sovereignty from the tyranny of world government.
    The following article raises questions about the American Revolution, which many patriots regard as the foundation of their beliefs. It can be dangerous to shake a good man’s foundation – even if the foundation is flawed – because it might cause him to question his worldview, and weaken his resolve. However, no historical event should be held so sacred as to be immune to examination. Our country is in too much trouble to make truth secondary.
    Many patriots say the solution to our problems is to return to the “principles of the Founding Fathers.” I strongly agree with this view in part; I certainly believe in limited government and the Bill of Rights, and that these fundamental doctrines have been eroded to the point of national peril. However, I also believe that much of the trouble actually traces to America’s founding. Despite ubiquitous descriptions of the Founding Fathers as Christians, revolutions are – with rare exceptions – contrary to Biblical doctrine. In Part II, we will explore this issue, and the revolution itself in depth. Right now, we focus on the flashpoint that ignited the war between Britain and her American colonies.
    I grew up mostly in Lexington, Mass., where the famed “shot heard round the world” was fired. On my way home from high school each day, I would pass Lexington Green, where colonial militia had assembled on the morning of April 19, 1775, and encountered a force of British redcoats who were on their way to neighboring Concord to confiscate armaments. Shots rang out; eight militiamen died; nine were wounded; the Revolutionary War had begun. The redcoats suffered only one minor wound and continued to Concord, where they found fewer munitions than expected. They spent the rest of the day being routed by superior numbers of militia, on a long and bloody retreat back to their garrison in the city of Boston.
    As I walked home, I would pass still-standing Buckman’s Tavern, where the militia had assembled before the battle; and continuing my trek up Hancock Street, would pass the Hancock-Clarke House, another historic site. It was here that Samuel Adams and John Hancock – leaders of the revolution in Massachusetts – had been staying the night before the battle. Paul Revere stopped there to see them on his famous “Midnight Ride.”
    These historic matters were hardly on my mind at the time. However many years later, having written widely on political affairs, I took my son on a tour of historic Lexington at his request, and questions began troubling me.
    Who fired the first shot has been controversial for over two centuries. Was it the British or Americans? Each side accused the other.
    A patriotic friend of mine, who publicly lectures on the battle in a tricorn hat, told me, “Jim, the Americans would never have fired first. You’ve got 80 militia facing 700 British regulars. It would have been suicidal.”
    “I see your point,” I said, “but it also seems to me that British troops, under tight discipline, would not have fired without provocation. It’s not like they were on a mission to start battles that day.”
    So who did fire the “shot heard round the world”? The answer is important, because that shot ignited the American Revolution, which in turned engendered the world’s most powerful nation. I believe the answer was a dark secret, buried with the dead that April morning.
    The Amazing Changing Lexington Portrayals
    I direct the reader to the battle’s first artistic depiction, the engraving rendered by Amos Doolittle in the fall of 1775, just a few months after the event.
    Note that all the militiamen are retreating or casualties. Not one colonist is firing his gun or even loading.
    Next we have the lithograph produced by William S. Pendleton in about 1830:
    While a number of militiamen are retreating, some are now shooting.
    Next comes Hammatt Billings’s rendering of 1868:
    Here very few men retreat; most are engaged.
    And finally we have “The Dawn of Liberty,” painted by Henry Sandham in 1886:
    Every man is now standing his ground.
    Note the transition from Picture 1 to Picture 4 – from 100 percent retreat to 100 percent defiance. The credit for discovering this revealing sequence goes not to me, but to historian Harold Murdock, who expounded on it nearly a century ago. While the casual observer might dismiss these changes as artistic license or patriotic pride, the truth about Lexington’s “Picture of Dorian Gray” runs much deeper.
    Doolittle’s 1775 picture very accurately represented how Massachusetts rebels wanted the event portrayed at that time. Here is how the newspaper Massachusetts Spy reported it in an article widely reprinted throughout the colonies:
    Quote
    Americans! forever bear in mind the BATTLE of LEXINGTON! where British Troops, unmolested and unprovoked wantonly, and in a most inhuman manner fired upon and killed a number of our countrymen  . . . It is noticed they fired upon our people as they were dispersing, agreeable to their command, and that we did not even return the fire. Eight of our men were killed and nine wounded; The troops then laughed, and damned the Yankees.
    As you can see, the article denied that the militia fired any shots. This accords with the official report authorized by the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, A Narrative, of the Excursion and Ravages of the King’s Troops. It contained the depositions of many Lexington militiamen. All stated the king’s troops began firing on them. Not one deponent expressly admitted to firing a shot, even in retaliation, though they did not deny firing retaliatory shots.
    It also agrees with the account by William Heath, the brigadier general who took overall command of the militias as they pursued the redcoats back to Boston. In his postwar memoirs, Heath described the British shooting at the Lexington militia, but made no mention of return fire.1
    So, what changed perception of the event? In 1824, as the revolution’s 50th anniversary was approaching, politician Samuel Hoar was giving a public address in Concord. The aging Marquis de Lafayette (who had been a general in the Revolution) was there; Hoar told him he was standing where “the first forcible resistance” to the British occurred. Concord residents affirmed that their town should be credited with firing, as Ralph Waldo Emerson would later phrase it, “the shot heard round the world.” After all, nothing on the official record indicated the Lexington militia had discharged even one round.
    This prompted outrage in Lexington, whose denizens insisted the honor belonged to them. And to prove their case, they obtained depositions from 10 aged veterans and witnesses of the battle on Lexington Green. In a stunning variance from the original sworn statements, all deponents now vigorously insisted that the militia fired upon the British, though still claiming the redcoats began hostilities.
    This inter-town debate raged for years, and was said to be symbolized in our annual Thanksgiving Day football game, played between Lexington and Concord high schools. Virtually all historians today concede that the Lexington militia fired; the controversy now is over who fired first. The Americans said it was the British; the British said the Americans.
    Americans or British?
    Though it may offend some U.S. patriots, I agree with Derek W. Beck, American author of the forthcoming book 1775, who concedes that the British reports were more credible. Why?
    • The British freely admitted shooting first at the subsequent battle of Concord. Why would they tell the truth about Concord, but lie about Lexington?
    • British soldiers said the Americans fired first in their personal diaries, which were not intended for publication. Why would the British lie to themselves in their diaries?
    • As we have seen, in 1825 the Lexington militiamen amended the story given in their original 1775 depositions. This shows they were guided by political exigencies of the day, weakening their credibility.
    But why would a militia force commence hostilities when outnumbered ten to one? The solution to this mystery requires understanding the historical context.
    Fɾҽҽmαsσɳɾყ
    Fɾҽҽmαsσɳɾყ deserves mention. In the late 18th century, two bloody anti-royalist revolutions erupted. One, of course, was the French Revolution. Few would deny Fɾҽҽmαsσɳɾყ played a major role in it. This was not only docuмented by contemporary writers such as Augustin Barruel in Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinsm (1797) and John Robison in Proofs of a Conspiracy (1798), but by Bonnet, orator of the Convent of the Grand Orient Lodge of France, who later declared:
    Quote
    During the 18th century the glorious line of the Encyclopedistes found in our temples a fervent audience, which, alone at that period, invoked the radiant motto, still unknown to the people, of “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.” The revolutionary seed germinated rapidly in that select company. Our illustrious brother masons d’Alembert, Diderot, Helvetius, d’Holbach, Voltaire and Condorcet, completed the evolution of people’s minds and prepared the way for a new age. And when the Bastille fell, Fɾҽҽmαsσɳɾყ had the supreme honor to present to humanity the charter which it had friendly elaborated. . . . On August 25, 1789, the Constituent Assembly, of which more than 300 members were masons, finally adopted, almost word for word, such as it had been for long elaborated in the lodges, the text of the immortal declaration of the Rights of Man. At that decisive hour for civilization, French masonry was the universal conscience . . . .2
    Of course, many have noted a distinction between Grand Orient Masonry, practiced on the European continent, and Scottish Rite Masonry, practiced in Great Britain and North America, which they consider more benign. Nonetheless, it is difficult to deny Freemasonic components to the American Revolution.
    Paul Revere was dispatched on his famous ride from Boston by Joseph Warren. Warren also sent a second rider, William Dawes, whom history has never glamorized like Revere. Revere and Dawes took different routes and both arrived at the Lexington house where John Hancock was staying. What history books usually omit is that Joseph Warren was Grand Master of St. Andrew’s Lodge in Boston; and that Revere, Dawes and Hancock were all members of that same Lodge. Thus the entire circuit of Revere’s ride, from beginning to end, consisted of Freemasons bound to oaths of secrecy. So we could reasonably ask if there was something to the ride beyond what history reports.
    After the war, Revere became Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, which probably did not impair his subsequent rise to historic glory.
    Boston’s Green Dragon Tavern, headquarters of both the Sons of Liberty and St. Andrew’s Lodge
    Many other Freemasons were involved in the Revolution. Benjamin Franklin served not only as Grand Master of Pennsylvania, but Grand Master of the Nine Sisters Lodge in Paris, as well belonging to Britain’s satanic Hellfire Club.
    Nearly half the generals in the Continental Army were Freemasons – most famously, of course, George Washington, who was later sworn in as President by Robert Livingston, Grand Master of New York’s Grand Lodge.
    If you visit Lexington today, at the National Heritage Museum you will see a statue of George Washington donning his Masonic apron. Not surprising, since the museum is run by the Freemasons (its legal name is Scottish Rite Masonic Museum & Library, Inc.). In fact, the entire Northern Masonic Jurisdiction of the United States has its headquarters in Lexington. I do not believe this location was selected by chance.
    None of this imputes anything sinister to the vast majority of Freemasons in America today. But it is difficult to dismiss, as coincidental, the influence of Fɾҽҽmαsσɳɾყ on these two revolutions that exploded just a few years apart on separate continents.
    Brewers of Revolution
    But by far the most important insights into Lexington’s secrets derive from examining the two men who Paul Revere rode to meet there – Samuel Adams and John Hancock.
    When most Americans hear “Founding Fathers,” they typically think of Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison and Hamilton. John Hancock is usually remembered only for his extra-large signature on the Declaration of Independence. If an Adams is recalled, it is John Adams, second President of the United States, rather than his second cousin Sam, whom most Americans today identify only as a figure on beer labels.
    But Americans of the colonial era would be surprised to learn that Sam Adams has faded into semi-oblivion. Thomas Jefferson said “he was truly the Man of the Revolution.” When he died, the Boston press called him “Father of the American Revolution.” Indeed, the revolution was in many respects a “Massachusetts event” – here was the Boston Massacre, the Boston Tea Party, and the battle that started the war. Sam Adams was entangled in them all.

    During the French and Indian War (1754-1763), colonists and British troops had fought on the same side. Samuel Adams, who biographer John Miller called “pioneer in propaganda,” was instrumental in abruptly changing Americans’ perception of British soldiers from “good guys” to “bad guys.”
    Britain’s national debt had nearly doubled by the long war’s end, and Parliament felt the burden of paying it off should not be borne by British taxpayers alone, but by the colonists as well, especially since they were the main beneficiaries of the war’s victorious outcome. The result was the Sugar Act of 1764, which placed a tax on molasses of three pennies per gallon.
    Sam Adams, a member of the Massachusetts state legislature, was the most outspoken opponent of the Act. Widely quoted in newspapers and pamphlets, he declared:
    Quote
    For if our Trade may be taxed, why not our Lands? Why not the Produce of our Lands & everything we possess or make use of?. . . If Taxes are laid upon us in any shape without our having a legal Representation where they are laid, are we not reduced from the Character of free Subjects to the miserable State of tributary Slaves?3
    This established two patterns to Adams’s rhetoric: (1) amplify a perceived wrong far beyond its actual boundaries – i.e., if you gave the king a penny today, tomorrow he would demand a pound; (2) equate British taxation policies with images of slavery.
    The Sugar Act was repealed, but it was Britain’s next revenue measures – the Stamp Act of 1765 (repealed in 1766) and the Townshend Acts of 1767 – that catapulted Adams to power. (The Stamp Act would have placed tax on many docuмents, such as contracts, licenses, diplomas and newspapers, each to require a revenue stamp; the Townshend Acts placed duties on various imports from Britain.) These measures were protested throughout the colonies, but nowhere more violently than Boston. As historian William H. Hallahan notes:
    Quote
    Samuel Adams was gathering and organizing a collection of waterfront mobs who were controlled by his lieutenant, Will Molineaux, a draper; and on occasion even by Paul Revere. Henceforth, Boston was controlled by a “trained mob” glorified by its title: the Sons of Liberty. Sam Adams was its keeper. Adams fashioned another powerful revolutionary tool when he helped spread Sons of Liberty organizations elsewhere in the colonies, where they could be orchestrated into mobs for demonstrations, intimidation, and street violence coordinated with events in Boston.4
    Adams became Boston’s political boss, running the city in an early Tammany style. Even before town meetings took place, Adams and his cronies would pre-select candidates at Adams’s private smoke-filled “Boston Caucus” room; votes were often bought at the price of a few tavern drinks, and his thugs ensured control of town meetings at Boston’s Faneuil Hall.
    During this rise, Adams recruited the most important ally of his political life: John Hancock.

    Both men came from prosperous families. But while Sam Adams turned all his father’s businesses – including a malt house for brewers – into ruins, Hancock became the wealthiest man in Massachusetts, primarily through smuggling operations. A peerless fop, Hancock rode about in a gilded carriage he had specially built in England. Before the revolution began, he even had tailors make him a collection of ornate military costumes he imagined he would wear as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army. When this distinction instead went to George Washington, he bore a grudge that festered for years. Although his extra-large signature on the Declaration of Independence has been popularly ascribed to courageous defiance, it might also be seen as characteristic of his overbearing vanity.
    Adams recruited Hancock to be financial angel of the revolution in Massachusetts. Playing to his ego, he allowed Hancock to take the most publicly prominent positions, but there was no doubt that Adams, the back-room intriguer, was the revolutionary mastermind. He soon brought political enemies to heel.
    Andrew Oliver, who had been designated distributor of stamps in Boston, was hung in effigy by a mob, had his office vandalized and his home stoned. Adams then forced him to publicly resign before a mob on Boston Common.
    Adams learned that terror tactics could be employed to intimidate elected officials as well – by filling the legislature’s gallery with hundreds of his “Mohawks” (Sons of Liberty) and posting the names of legislators considered Tories (British loyalists) on Boston Common’s “Liberty Tree.”
    John Mein, who began Boston’s first circulating library, ran an opposition newspaper called the Boston Chronicle. While Adams was forcing Boston merchants to boycott British goods – at great loss to themselves – Mein published ships’ manifests proving that certain traders, including John Hancock, were secretly continuing profitable trade with Britain. A mob then ransacked Mein’s office, and he was attacked on the street by twenty thugs armed with clubs and spades. Orders were handed down for Mein’s arrest, and Sam Adams personally assisted in searching for him. Mein successfully escaped the city, but freedom of the press departed with him.

    Home after home of “Tories” were set upon by Adams’s mobs at night. Before undertaking their tasks, they would first get “liquored up“ in Boston’s taverns (making it not inappropriate that Sam Adams is now immortalized on beer bottles). Summoned by bells, whistles, and a horn, the mobs would pour out of the taverns, and descend on the houses of their designated victims, first giving Mohawk “war whoops,” then terrorizing the families and ransacking their homes.
    Looting became a “patriotic” act. Destroying the ledger books of creditors was not overlooked. Many loyalists were stripped naked and made victims of the gruesome act of tarring and feathering.
    But Adams went too far when he singled out Lieutenant Governor Thomas Hutchinson. Adams roused passions by falsely proclaiming the Stamp Act had been Hutchinson’s brainchild. This was a glaring slander – the Massachusetts-born Hutchinson had opposed the Stamp Act. This mattered little to the drunken mob of some 500 that descended on the lieutenant governor’s house on the night of August 26, 1765. Hutchinson and his family barely escaped with their lives. The mob set upon the house for the entire night, breaking the windows, destroying the walls and furniture with axes, stealing all clothing, silverware and money, obliterating Hutchinson’s library (which contained priceless books and manuscripts) and even pulling down the house’s cupola.

    The specter of Hutchinson’s destroyed home sparked an outcry in Massachusetts – Deacon Timothy Pickering, Sr. of Salem later compared the mob to the one that surrounded Lot’s house in the Bible. Throughout the colonies, shame fell on Boston. As a result, Adams was forced to publicly criticize the incident, but he blamed it on “vagabond strangers.”
    Eight of the perpetrators were arrested in Boston, but another mob simply broke into the jail and freed them. They were never brought to trial.
    Hutchinson minced no words about Sam Adams: “I doubt whether there is a greater Incendiary in the King’s dominions or a man of greater malignity of heart, or who less scruples any measure ever so criminal to accomplish his purposes; and I think I do him no injustice when I suppose he wishes the destruction of every Friend to Government in America.”5
    In the manner of Orwellian Newspeak, Sam Adams espoused “liberty” while destroying it; he denounced “tyranny” while establishing it. Liberty is meaningless when granted only to people agreeing with those in power. Edward Bacon, the state legislator from Barnstable, Mass. – where an elderly widow named Abigail Freeman was tarred and feathered by a gang of young thugs for expressing “Tory” opinions – said he preferred the master 3,000 miles away to the one in Boston.6
    By 1768, under Adams’s tutelage, Boston had become a bedlam of mob rule and violence. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and justice were perishing. At this juncture, British troops were sent to Boston to restore order. One Captain Evelyn would later write to his father, a clergyman in England: “Our arrival has in a great degree restored that liberty they [loyalists] have been so long deprived of, even liberty of speech and security to their persons and property, which has for years past been at the mercy of a most villainous mob.”7
    Adams immediately sought to expel these troops. He began circulating to other colonies a “Journal of Events” which alleged that British soldiers were regularly beating small boys and raping the city’s virtuous maidens. Adams did not publish the “Journal” in Massachusetts, where its contents were known to be untrue; but other parts of the continent were easy prey for his atrocity tales. Francis Bernard, governor of Massachusetts, said of Adams’s journal that, even “if the Devil himself” had taken a hand, “there would not have been got together a greater collection of impudent virulent & Seditious Lies, Perversions of Truth & Misrepresentations than are to be found in this Publication.”8 In their own defense, the British soldiers said it would hardly be necessary to resort to rape in a city already so teeming with women of easy virtue.
    Adams’s Sons of Liberty began picking fights with redcoats in Boston taverns. One of the trademark quotes of Sam Adams’s career was: “Put your enemy in the wrong, and keep him so, is a wise maxim in politics, as well as in war.” With this principle in mind, Adams sought to generate a catalytic incident – one that would be prelude to Lexington Green.
    The Boston “Massacre”
    On March 5, 1770, citizens of Boston found handbills posted around the city which read:
    Quote
    this is to inform ye Rebellious People in Boston, that ye Soldiers in ye 14th and 29th Regiments are determend to Joine together and Defend themselves against all who Shall opose them
    Signed ye soldiers of ye 14th and 29th Regiments
    If, in fact, the redcoats had planned violence against Boston’s citizens, it seems odd that they would broadcast their intentions in advance. Nonetheless, the handbill was used to stir passions among Bostonians.
    That evening, summoned by bells, a huge mob, many armed with clubs and staves, descended on King Street. They surrounded the lone sentry on duty near the customs house, taunting him and pelting him with chunks of ice. The sentry called for help. Captain Thomas Preston, officer of the watch at the nearby barracks, came to the sentry’s rescue with seven soldiers. As the bells continued tolling, the crowd grew to some three or four hundred. They closed in on the nine soldiers, hurling rocks, ice and snowballs, and daring them with chants of “Fire!” for they knew the redcoats had orders not to shoot at citizens. As the crowd surrounded the soldiers, they began striking them, and hitting the muzzles of their guns, with cudgels. One soldier, knocked to the ground by a blow from a club, and hearing the word “Fire!” amid the chaos, jumped to his feet and shot at his assailants. Other soldiers fired as well. When it was over, three of the mob lay dead; two were mortally wounded.
    The next morning, Sam Adams delivered a fiery speech, and appointed himself and John Hancock heads of a committee that demanded immediate removal of all British troops from Boston. Propaganda went full tilt. Adams’s lieutenant Paul Revere swiftly produced a widely reproduced print of the “massacre” (five deaths being a somewhat hyperbolic use of that term).

    It has been noted that Revere’s print included numerous misrepresentations, the most distinct its depiction of the shooting as an orderly volley, given on an officer’s command, suggesting it was a premeditated expression of official British policy. Adams’s committee, which also included Joseph Warren – Grand Master of Boston’s Freemasons – and mob leader William Molineux, ordered publication of A Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre in Boston. It contained dozens of collected depositions, depicting the incident as unprovoked wanton murder. Reading them, one is impressed that there was hardly a citizen of Boston who was not molested by Captain Preston and his men that night. The depositions read as though written by a seedy playwright of maudlin melodramas. Perhaps Adams had discovered that depositions, like votes and rioters, could be bought with a few tavern drinks (and possibly with Masonic countersigns, for anyone who considered an oath to the brotherhood to outweigh an oath to tell the truth).
    Two samples:
    Deposition number 31:
    Quote
    I, Nathaniel Appleton, of lawful age, testify, that on Monday evening the 5th instant . . . I went to my front door and saw several persons passing up and down the street, I asked what was the matter? was informed that the soldiers at Murray’s barrack were quarrelling with the inhabitants. Standing there a few minutes, I saw a number of soldiers, about 12 or 15, as near as I could judge, come down from the southward, running towards the said barrack with drawn cutlasses, and appeared to be passing by, but on seeing me in company with Deacon Marsh at my door, they turned out of their course and rushed upon us with uplifted weapons, without our speaking or doing the least thing to provoke them, with the utmost difficulty we escaped a stroke by retreating and closing the door upon them. I further declare, that at that time my son, a lad about 12 years old, was abroad on an errand, and soon came home and told me that he was met by a number of soldiers with cutlasses in their hands, one of which attempting to strike him, the child begg’d for his life, saying, pray soldier save my life, on which the soldier reply’d, No damn you, I will kill you all, and smote him with his cutlass, which glanced down along his arm and knocked him to the ground where they left him, after the soldiers had all passed, the child arose and came home, having happily received no other damage than a bruise on the arm.
    Deposition No. 66:
    Quote
    I, John Wilson of lawful age testify, that on monday evening the 5th current, I . . . heard the bells ring and . . . I asked what was the matter? The people said the soldiers had insulted the inhabitants . . . . Then I came down King street opposite the custom-house, and saw a man with a light color’d surtout coming from the main guard go up to the centry, and lay his hand on his shoulder and speak some words to the centry, and then enter the custom-house door. On this the centry grounded the breech of his gun, took out a cartridge, primed and loaded, and shoulder’d his firelock. After this I drew back opposite Mr. Stone’s, & in a few minutes saw a party of soldiers headed by an officer coming down from the main guard, crying to the inhabitants, Damn you, make way you boogers! I not moving from my place was struck by one of them on the hip with the butt of his musquet, which bruised me so much that it was next day very sore, and much discoloured. The officer seeing the soldier strike me said to the soldier in an angry manner why don’t you prick the boogers? The party drew up before the custom-house door, and ranged to the west corner in a half circle, and charged their pieces breast high. Some small boys coming up made a noise to the soldiers, on which the officer said to them why don’t you fire? Damn you, fire! They hereupon fired, and two men fell dead in my sight.9
    These depositions portrayed the soldiers “Adams style” – cowards who beat children, who shot without provocation, their conduct motivated by officers. (Note the claims of having received bruises, which fade away and, unlike wounds, leave no scar that could corroborate injury.)
    The soldiers were tried for murder, and Sam Adams expected that, with a jury stacked with his “Mohawks,” he would soon see redcoats swinging from gallows on Boston Common. But the defense was led by Sam’s second cousin John – the future President – who, despite threats against himself, did a creditable job. He saw to it that the jurors came from outside Boston, and 38 witnesses testified that there had been a plot that night to attack the redcoats. The prosecution did not even enter into evidence the threatening handbill alleged to have been written by the soldiers.
    The most crushing blow for Sam Adams came with the deathbed confession of one of the two mortally wounded men – Patrick Carr. Carr said the soldiers had been provoked into shooting; that they had shown far greater restraint than the British soldiers Carr had seen facing mobs in his native Ireland; and he forgave the soldier who shot him, as he had pulled the trigger in self-defense.
    Outraged, Sam Adams publicly denounced Carr’s confession. Playing to the prejudices of the day, he said it should be disregarded because Carr was a “Papist.”10
    The jury acquitted all but two of the soldiers, who were convicted of manslaughter. No redcoats swung from the gallows. Sam’s cousin John – tactfully without naming names – remarked of the incident: “I suspected that this was the explosion which had been intentionally wrought up by designing men who knew what they were aiming at, better than the instruments employed.”11
    The verdict stung Sam Adams, but taught him lessons that would prove useful. And he continued to play the massacre for all it was worth. As the master of melodramatic propaganda, it is believed he had a great hand in writing John Hancock’s torrid Boston Massacre fourth-anniversary oration, of which here is a small sampling. Bear in mind these words were being spoken more than three years after a Massachusetts jury rejected the murder charges brought against the troops:
    Quote
    But I forbear, and come reluctantly to the transactions of that dismal night . . . when Satan, with his chosen band, opened the sluices of New England’s blood, and sacrilegiously polluted our land with the dead bodies of her guiltless sons! Let this sad tale of death never be told without a tear . . . let every parent tell the shameful story to his listening children until tears of pity glisten in their eyes, and boiling passions shake their tender frames . . . let all America join in one common prayer to heaven that the inhuman, unprovoked murders of the fifth of March, 1770 . . . executed by the cruel hand of Preston and his sanguinary coadjutors, may ever stand in history without a parallel. . . . And though the murderers may escape the just resentment of an enraged people; though drowsy justice . . . still nods upon her rotten seat . . . . Ye dark designing knaves, ye murderers, parricides! how dare you tread upon the earth which has drunk in the blood of slaughtered innocents, shed by your wicked hands?
    The Boston Tea Party
    As it did with the Sugar Act, England had repealed the Stamp Act (from which it never collected one penny) in response to colonial protests.
    In 1766, a frustrated Parliament, still seeking a practical means of raising revenues from the colonies, summoned Benjamin Franklin, the leading representative of American interests in Britain. The following exchange is of interest:
    Quote
    Q. What was the temper of America toward Great Britain before the year 1763?
     A. The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the government of the Crown, and paid, in their courts, obedience to acts of Parliament. . . .
    Q. Did you ever hear the authority of Parliament to make laws for America questioned till lately?
     A. The authority of Parliament was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce. . . .
    Q. Was it an opinion in America before 1763 that the Parliament had no right to lay taxes and duties there?
     A. I never heard an objection to the right of laying duties to regulate commerce; but a right to lay internal taxes was never supposed to be in Parliament, as we are not represented there. . . .
    Q. On what do you found your opinion that the people in America made any such distinction?
     A. I know that whenever the subject has occurred in conversation where I have been present, it has appeared to be the opinion of every one that we could not be taxed by a Parliament wherein we were not represented. But the payment of duties laid by an act of Parliament as regulations of commerce was never disputed.12
    Based on assurances, such as these from Franklin, that the colonies would respect Britain’s right to place duties on her own commerce, Parliament passed the Townshend Acts, assigning duties on various British goods sold in America. Sam Adams then coerced Boston merchants to sign his “nonimportation agreement” on pain of being otherwise named a public enemy and subject to mob violence (this had been prior to the arrival of the British troops). As we have seen, while Boston merchants were going broke from the boycott, Adams looked the other way as his friend John Hancock continued profitable trade with Britain – to borrow Orwell’s phrase, all animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.
    In response to colonial protests, Parliament caved in – again. They removed duties on all goods except one: tea, via the Tea Act of 1773. The tea duty was nominal – three pennies on a pound. (It would be interesting to measure this against the 6.25% sales tax Massachusetts currently levies on its citizens.) Furthermore, the tea, which was surplus tea of the East India Company, was offered to colonists at half the price Englishmen paid for it.
    In fact, the tea was so cheap that it was underselling the Dutch tea John Hancock’s ships were smuggling in. In the Boston Tea Party of December 1773, of course, the Sons of Liberty, after being customarily liquored up, hurled hundreds of chests of English tea into Boston Harbor. From Hancock’s perspective, this was largely cutthroat business tactics: to maximize your profits, destroy your competitor’s merchandise. Although I have friends in today’s “Tea Party” movement, I regret that its name is fashioned after an act of vandalism. This is our inheritance from Sam Adams, who, by semantics, transformed criminal deeds into patriotic ones.
    While Hancock had an ulterior motive of profit in the Boston Tea Party, Adams’s motive was to push the nation toward revolution. The dependable Paul Revere was dispatched to New York and Philadelphia with the news. Moreover, the incident was bound to push England into reacting, as had been the strategy of the Boston Massacre – to, as Adams liked to phrase it, “Put your enemy in the wrong.”
    The “Tea Party” sparked outrage in Britain. Parliament, feeling that they had tolerated enough from Boston, ordered the port closed until the damage was paid for. General Thomas Gage was sent as military governor.
    This played right into Sam Adams’s hands. Many in Massachusetts wanted the East India Company compensated, but Adams blocked every move to pay for the tea.13 The prolonged port closure brought Boston commerce to a standstill, inciting sympathy for the city in the other colonies.
    A reading of British newspapers and speeches in Parliament reveals that Britain considered Boston the source of more trouble than all the other colonies combined. But characteristically, Adams projected the measures, aimed solely at Boston, as aimed at all colonies. In a letter to the Philadelphia Committee of Correspondence, he wrote:
    Quote
    This attack, though made immediately upon us, is doubtless designed for every other colony, who will not surrender their sacred Rights & Liberties into the Hands of an infamous Ministry. Now therefore is the Time, when ALL should be united in opposition to this Violation of the Liberties of ALL.14
    First Continental Congress
    As Miller notes, “No American patriot had demanded more vigorously than Sam Adams a Continental Congress to unite colonial opposition to Great Britain.”15 The First Continental Congress met in Philadelphia in 1774, and into this city Sam Adams brought his Boston brand of politics. Quoting Hallahan:
    Quote
    Sam Adams’s first step on arriving at Philadelphia was to visit the docks and piers of the riverfront with a local politician, Charles Thomson, who liked to describe himself as the Sam Adams of Philadelphia. Adams spent some time on the docks and in the taverns talking with the workingmen there, pressing the flesh and preaching his incendiary politics. He quickly won many converts – and lined up some muscle.16
    Although Joseph Galloway, moderate delegate from Pennsylvania, had proposed the Pennsylvania State House as the venue for the convention, Sam Adams pressed for meeting in the smaller, somewhat cramped quarters of the more populist, recently built Carpenter’s Hall because the workingmen of the city identified with it. . . . Galloway noted that it was no coincidence that workingmen from the docks were loitering on the grounds around Carpenter’s Hall in an intimidating manner.17
    Sam Adams ran Carpenter’s Hall much like he did Faneuil Hall, doing back-room politicking before actual votes. Through such machinations, he had himself made temporary secretary of the convention, then Thomson permanent secretary.
    Meanwhile back in Boston, by prearrangement, Adams’s lieutenant Joseph Warren hosted a meeting of radicals at Faneuil Hall; they passed a resolution called the “Suffolk Resolves” (Suffolk is Boston’s county). The resolves called for a boycott of all British goods, for all towns to raise militias, and for “the inhabitants of those towns and districts, who are qualified, to use their utmost diligence to acquaint themselves with the art of war as soon as possible, and . . . appear under arms at least once every week.” This was a radical step toward war. Warren then dispatched Paul Revere – as he would on the “Midnight Ride”– to Philadelphia with a copy of the resolves, which the Continental Congress officially endorsed.
    Joseph Galloway, leader of the moderates, proposed a plan of reconciliation with Great Britain. Later, a gallows noose was delivered to his door, and the next night a message that read: “Hang yourself or we will do it for you.” Galloway said he lived “in the utmost danger from the mobs raised by Mr. Adams of being hung at my own door.”
    Quote
    Every night I expected would be my last. Men were excited by persons northward [Boston], by falsehoods fabricated for the purpose, to put me to death. Several attempts were made.18
    Sam Adams’s climactic maneuver at the Continental Congress was procuring a pledge from the delegates that, should armed conflict erupt between Massachusetts and British troops, the other colonies would come to the aid of Massachusetts. However, the delegates, distrustful of Adams, attached an important condition to this pledge. They would only help Massachusetts if the British fired first. When Sam Adams returned home, he had one paramount goal: to produce just such an incident.
    Lexington Coming
    However, all during the winter of 1774-75, General Thomas Gage, commander of British forces in Boston, gave Adams no opportunity. As political flames raged, loyalists sought refuge in Boston, while many rebels evacuated the city. Boston became a loyalist stronghold, surrounded by a sea of hostile patriots, and Gage had no desire to venture his troops against the increasingly prepared – and mandatory – minutemen militias.
    General Gage
    In April 1775, the Second Continental Congress – at which Hancock would preside as president – was due to begin the following month. Sam Adams desperately needed a “British fired first” incident to bring before the Congress. Otherwise, the passion for revolution might wane, the moderates would prevail, and there would be no war.
    At this juncture, what Hallahan calls “bait” was offered to lure Gage out. Adams and Hancock had been attending the Massachusetts Provincial Congress (the colony’s provisional independent government) in Concord. General Gage began receiving intelligence reports that large amounts of munitions, including cannons, were stored in Concord for an army the Provincial Congress planned to raise. Some of the reports exaggerated the quantity of munitions. A number of Gage’s reports came from Benjamin Church, the notorious double agent whose true loyalties have long been controversial.
    Gage now made the fateful decision to send troops to neutralize the Concord munitions before they could be deployed against his own forces. En route, they would have a “date with destiny” in Lexington.
    Can it only be coincidence that, on the night before the battle, Adams, Hancock and Revere – the apparent mastermind and leading propagandists of the “Boston Massacre” – were congregating in a house a few hundred feet behind Lexington Green? (The house, still standing, is called the Hancock-Clarke House.) It was owned by Reverend Jonas Clarke, Lexington’s firebrand patriot-preacher whose wife was Hancock’s cousin.
    It has been traditionally reported that Revere rode to the house to warn Adams and Hancock that the British forces might be on a mission to arrest them. However, although England had authorized Gage to apprehend revolutionary leaders, including the famous pair, evidence repudiates that this was Gage’s intention that day:
    (1) Gage’s orders to Lieutenant Colonel Smith, who commanded the expedition, only discuss securing the Concord munitions, and make no mention of arrests;
    (2) A force of 700 foot soldiers would be an extremely inefficient instrument for performing an arrest;
    (3) In Lexington, the British made no movements toward the Hancock-Clarke House;
    (4) After his initial meeting with Adams and Hancock, Revere rode on toward Concord, but was captured by an advance British patrol at 1 AM. The British knew they had Adams’s famed lieutenant Paul Revere in their hands – but eventually turned him loose. Had they truly been after Adams and Hancock, they should have held on to Revere, for no one would better know their whereabouts. (After being released, Revere rejoined Adams and Hancock in Lexington.)
    If, in fact, Adams and Hancock were worried about arrest by the British, they displayed little alarm, tarrying at the house long after Revere’s warning. Furthermore, examination of a letter written by Hancock reveals they had already received intelligence about the British movements at 9PM on the 18th – three hours before Revere’s arrival. See the New York Times article “Letter Deepens Doubt on Paul Revere’s Ride.”
    Revere’s 1775 deposition, describing his midnight ride, makes little mention of alarming the countryside, or shouting that the regulars were coming, as is famously ascribed to him. He very probably did so, and he certainly discussed it in his postwar account many years later, but in the original deposition he emphasizes going straight from Joseph Warren to see Adams and Hancock – this, apparently, was his foremost objective.
    In the wee hours of the morning of the 19th, Adams, Hancock and Clarke walked down to Lexington Green and had a discussion with the militia that had gathered at Buckman’s Tavern in response to the town’s alarm bells. Half a century ago, historian Arthur B. Tourtellot wrote:
    Quote
    Adams and Clarke unquestionably made up a policy between themselves. Adams knew the broad strategy of the resistance, because he was at this point its sole architect. Clarke knew the men of Lexington and, what is more, could control them as no outsider could. The policy determined upon between the time of Revere’s first alarm and of the minutemen’s first muster and the time of the actual arrival of the British troops, was for the minutemen, however outnumbered, to make a conspicuous stand but not to fire.19
    The conversation between Adams, Hancock, Clarke and the militia at Buckman’s Tavern has never been revealed, but we know that:
    • Adams urgently needed a “British fired first” incident to bring to the upcoming Continental Congress.
    • Adams had famously said, “Put your enemy in the wrong, and keep him so, is a wise maxim in politics, as well as in war.”
    • Adams had evidently orchestrated the “Boston Massacre.”
    Boston Massacre/Lexington Massacre
    Indeed, the Lexington affair was sometimes styled the “Lexington Massacre,” and uncanny parallels exist between the two events:
    • Prints of each were made. Compare Revere’s notorious misrepresentation of the Boston Massacre to Doolittle’s depiction of Lexington:


    In each picture, the colonists, who offer no provocation, are being slaughtered by a synchronous, orderly volley from redcoats upon an officer’s command. This in spite of British reports that shooting at both incidents was sporadic and not in response to orders. You might recall the words of John Wilson, a deponent, regarding the Boston Massacre:
    “Some small boys coming up made a noise to the soldiers, on which the officer said to them why don’t you fire? Damn you, fire! They hereupon fired.”
    Now look at the words of William Draper, a deponent regarding the battle of Lexington:
    “The commanding officer of said troops (as I took him) gave the command to the troops, fire, damn you fire, and immediately they fired.”
    Two separate incidents five years apart, two different officers. Was it standard practice for British officers to instruct their men to shoot with the words, “Fire, damn you, fire”? One gets the impression that these depositions were scripted by the same writer.
    • Indeed, depositions were another common denominator to both events – collected, widely published, and claiming the colonists offered no provocation whatsoever. But as we have also seen, for the Boston Massacre, these claims did not stand up in court. In the case of the “Lexington Massacre,” Adams knew the depositions would not be tested by cross-examination, since war had commenced and there would be no trial. However, the Lexington depositions received their own taint 50 years later, when town pride demanded new depositions amending the first ones. (At that point, Sam Adams was long dead and no one feared his vengeance.)
    • Both incidents were followed by intense communications with neighboring communities via dispatch riders. For the latter event, the History of the Town of Lexington notes:
    Quote
    The report of the bloody transaction at Lexington spread as on the wings of wind, and the fact that the regulars had fired upon and killed several citizens was known not only in the neighboring towns, but to the distance of forty or fifty miles in the course of the forenoon. The people immediately flew to arms. . . .20
    Other colonies were also rallied to arms by reports of the Lexington “massacre” from dispatch riders traversing the coast.
    • Both incidents were the subject of vitriolic, dishonest depictions of the British troops’ behavior. Do you recall Hancock’s florid language in his Boston Massacre oration, and Adams’s claim that soldiers were regularly raping Boston ladies? Now let’s examine more closely the widely distributed report of Lexington, in the newspaper the Massachusetts Spy. Bear in mind that the newspaper’s publisher, Isaiah Thomas, met with Adams and Hancock in Worcester, Massachusetts, before printing this:
    Quote
    Americans! forever bear in mind the BATTLE of LEXINGTON! where British Troops, unmolested and unprovoked wantonly, and in a most inhuman manner fired upon and killed a number of our countrymen, then robbed them of their provisions, ransacked, plundered and burnt their houses! nor could the tears of defenseless women, some of whom were in the pains of childbirth, the cries of helpless babes, nor the prayers of old age, confined to beds of sickness, appease their thirst for blood!—or divert them from the DESIGN of MURDER and ROBBERY! . . . It is noticed they fired upon our people as they were dispersing, agreeable to their command, and that we did not even return the fire. Eight of our men were killed and nine wounded; The troops then laughed, and damned the Yankees.

    The report speaks of “defenseless women, some of whom were in the pains of childbirth.” It is true that, during the bloody retreat back to Boston, the British burned a number of houses, especially those from which they were fired on. However, no historian has ever found a case where a woman in childbirth was in any way molested. The closest instance was Hannah Adams, who had an 18-day-old baby, and was forced to evacuate her home. Hannah was not injured, nor the child, who grew up and was herself married.21
    As for those in “old age,” again, there is no known case except 79-year-old Samuel Whittemore. When the British were retreating through the town of Menotomy, Whittemore, a feisty old war veteran, fired at them from behind a stone wall with a musket and pistols – killing two redcoats and mortally wounding another. The British troops furiously shot and bayoneted him. Obviously one cannot plead “old age” when bearing arms, and clearly he was not, as the Spy put it, “confined to a bed of sickness.” Whittemore survived and died at 97 of natural causes.22
    The Hannah Adams/Whittemore incidents were inflated by the Massachusetts Spy into countless assaults upon the gentler sex and elderly. People reading the broadsides in other colonies had no way of knowing these tales were false. This helped establish a pattern – for the last two centuries, Americans have been provoked to war by fabricated atrocity stories spun in the press. In the Spanish-American War, it was Spaniards throwing Cubans to sharks and roasting Cuban priests; in World War I it was German soldiers bayoneting Belgian babies; in the 1991 Gulf War it was Iraqi soldiers throwing Kuwaiti babies out of incubators. Small wonder that Thomas Jefferson, himself later victimized by newspaper smears, wrote:
    Quote
    Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle. The real extent of this state of misinformation is known only to those who are in situations to confront facts within their knowledge with the lies of the day.23
    Oddities at Lexington Green
    What really did happen in Lexington on April 19, 1775? My patriot lecturer friend had told me the militia would not have fired first, because they were outnumbered ten-to-one. But this begs another question: if hopelessly outnumbered, why stand on the green in the first place?
    The Lexington militia behaved very distinctly from other militias that day. When the British reached Concord, the militia there wisely withdrew to the safety of a hill, then waited until strong reinforcements arrived from other towns. And all through the day, as the British retreated to Boston, the militias attacked, but from behind trees, walls, and house windows.
    How different was the Lexington militia! They stood on an open green, holding their rifles in formation. Did this not invite confrontation? The redcoats could obviously not march past a hostile armed force on their flank, or leave it threatening their rear.
    Adams and Hancock, who conferred with the militia before the incident, were the two most powerful figures in Massachusetts (after the war, Hancock became the state’s governor, with Adams his lieutenant governor). The Lexington militia was under the immediate command of Captain John Parker, an old French and Indian War scout. However, all Massachusetts militias fell under the authority of the Provincial Congress, of which Hancock was president, and the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, of which Hancock was chairman. And since Hancock had already had several uniforms tailored for his self-envisioned role as commander of the entire Continental Army, he would hardly demur at giving orders to a local militia captain.
    Although Adams and Hancock fled to neighboring Woburn before the shooting began, Paul Revere himself arrived at the green about a half-hour prior to the redcoats marching in at dawn. This bears comment.
    Supposedly, Revere went to the green with Hancock’s clerk John Lowell (yet another Freemason from Boston’s St. Andrew’s Lodge), because Hancock had forgotten that he had stored, at Buckman’s Tavern, a heavy trunk containing important docuмents he feared the British would discover. This means Revere was mingling with the Lexington militia, who were also at Buckman’s Tavern, until the moment the British arrived – when, he said, he and Lowell then hurried along with the trunk on foot.
    • While this story may be entirely true, it presents peculiarities:
    • Hancock himself had already been to Buckman’s Tavern that morning. If the trunk was so vital, one would think he would have remembered it then.
    • It seems an unlikely concern that the British would have diverted from their expedition to search Buckman’s Tavern, which of course they didn’t.
    • It seems strange that Hancock did not send his coach for the trunk, which could have spirited it away expeditiously. Surely having Revere and Lowell haul it on foot posed greater danger of its apprehension by the British.
    • In case anyone thinks Hancock couldn’t risk sending his gilded coach back to Lexington – he did send it back, famously, to the Hancock-Clarke house, to fetch a salmon he wished for his breakfast. While Hancock was enough of a fop for such a vain stunt on the morning that a war was beginning, it begs the question of why he sent the carriage for the salmon, but not the all-important trunk.
    The Shot(s) Heard Round the World
    Early in this article, we listed reasons why British accounts of Lexington are more credible than American ones. So let’s reconstruct the event based on their reports. Bear in mind that the British were already under strict orders not to fire unless fired upon.
    Lieutenant William Sutherland and Lieutenant Jesse Adair were riding ahead of the marching column. As they approached Lexington village, they heard shots to their left and right, but hearing no balls whistling, assumed it was a local alarm signal. Then they then saw a colonist aim his musket at them and pull the trigger – but it “flashed in the pan”; that is, the primer powder failed to ignite the charge in the musket.
    Sutherland and Adair rode back and reported this incident to Major John Pitcairn, commander of the lead column. Pitcairn, who had already heard warnings along the road that a hostile force was waiting at Lexington, now told his troops to load their guns and fix bayonets. He then ordered them to advance, but not to fire under any circuмstances without orders.
    Here is a map of the disposition of the Lexington battle:

    When the British troops spotted the militia on the green, they split left and right to flank them. At this point, the first shots at the green itself were fired. Quoting Lieutenant Sutherland:
    Quote
    We still went on further when 3 shot more were fired at us, which we did not return, & this is sacred truth as I hope for mercy These 3 shots were fired from the corner of a large house to the right of the Church.24
    The house Sutherland referred to is Buckman’s Tavern. (The “church” and the “meeting house” on the map are one and the same.) Since there were, of course, no repeating rifles then, this means three shooters. The first of these shots might technically be the “shot heard roun
    Patience is a conquering virtue. The learned say that, if it not desert you, It vanquishes what force can never reach; Why answer back at every angry speech? No, learn forbearance or, I'll tell you what, You will be taught it, whether you will or not.
    -Geoffrey Chaucer

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  •  The American Revolution, Part II: Who Wrote the Declaration of Independence?

    And Was the Revolution a “Christian” War?

    A highly abbreviated version of this article appears on Dr. Henry Makow’s website. (The use of the word “Satanist” in the title of the condensed version was the editor’s choice.)
    I consider it prudent to begin this post by duplicating the first paragraphs of the foreword to Part I:
    FOREWORD: I do not expect this two-part article to be very popular among American patriots, many of whom are my dear friends. They are among the core of America’s best citizens; men and women who fight to protect constitutional liberties from the police state, and to preserve U.S. national sovereignty from the tyranny of world government.
    The following article raises questions about the American Revolution, which many patriots regard as the foundation of their beliefs. It can be dangerous to shake a good man’s foundation – even if the foundation is flawed – because it might cause him to question his worldview, and weaken his resolve. However, no historical event should be held so sacred as to be immune to examination. Our country is in too much trouble to make truth secondary.
    “Everyone knows” Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence, but not “everyone knew” it in early America. Jefferson was on the drafting committee at the Second Continental Congress. However, he made no claim to authorship until 1821, when he was an old man, and even then did so ambiguously.
    Drafting committee: John Adams, Roger Sherman (said to be Freemason by descendants), Robert Livingston (Freemason, Grand Master of New York), Thomas Jefferson (believed to be a Rosicrucian), and Benjamin Franklin (Freemason, Grand Master of Pennsylvania) present the Declaration to the President of the Continental Congress, John Hancock (Freemason).
    For a long time, it has been understood outside the box of orthodox historiography that the Declaration’s real author was Thomas Paine. The case was made, for example, in , by Joel Moody (1872); in [url=https://www.crookedlakereview.com/articles/67_100/76july1994/76williams.html]this article published by Walton Williams in 1906; and in by Joseph Lewis (1947).
     

    Paine (1737-1809) was a British author of anonymous pamphlets. In England he met Freemasonic Grand Master-at-large Benjamin Franklin (who served not only as Grand Master of Pennsylvania, but Grand Master of the Nine Sisters Lodge in Paris, as well as attending Britain’s satanic Hellfire Club). When Paine traveled to America, Franklin gave him a letter of introduction. He arrived on November 30, 1774, greeted by Franklin’s physician. This was less than five months before the orchestrated Battle of Lexington, flashpoint of the Revolutionary War.

    Paine wasted little time fulfilling a mission is his new-found land. In 1775 he wrote the lengthy pamphlet Common Sense, which called for America’s independence from Britain. Widely distributed, it became the single most influential docuмent inspiring the revolution. Inscribed at Paine’s gravesite is John Adams’s famous rhyme: “Without the pen of Paine, the sword of Washington would have been wielded in vain.”
    Could Paine’s overnight literary success in America have occurred without “helping hands”?
    The Declaration of Independence fulfilled the objective of Common Sense. Paine was residing in Philadelphia when the Second Continental Congress met there. As Franklin’s choice to write Common Sense (which he authored anonymously), would he not also be the logical choice to anonymously write the Declaration? As we will soon elaborate, there were several reasons why this could never be publicly disclosed.
    The Case for Paine
    First, though, let’s review some of the evidence that Paine authored the Declaration. A blog post can only examine a sampling; for thorough analysis, I recommend consulting the sources named above.
    There is, of course, a copy of the Declaration in Jefferson’s handwriting. However, there is also one in John Adams’s handwriting. These are evidently copies of Paine’s original. Both content and style are markedly like Paine, not Jefferson, who had never written any paper calling for American independence.
    • The original, unedited version contained an anti-slavery clause:
    Quote
    He [King George III] has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life & liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating & carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the CHRISTIAN king of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought & sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce . . . .
    It is commonly said that Jefferson wrote this passionate clause, and slave owners at the Congress demanded its deletion. However, this makes no sense. Jefferson was himself a slave owner; he owned over 600 during his lifetime. And in his writings up to the time of the Declaration, he had never composed even a mild denunciation of slavery.
    Paine, on the other hand, had published a 1775 essay called African Slavery in America, writing, e.g.:
    Quote
    That some desperate wretches should be willing to steal and enslave men by violence and murder for gain, is rather lamentable than strange. But that many civilized, nay, Christianized people should approve, and be concerned in the savage practice, is surprising. . . .
    Our Traders in MEN (an unnatural commodity!) must know the wickedness of the SLAVE-TRADE, if they attend to reasoning, or the dictates of their own hearts: and such as shun and stiffle all these, wilfully sacrifice Conscience, and the character of integrity to that golden idol. . . .1
    Note the capitalization of “MEN” in both Paine’s tract and the Declaration’s anti-slavery clause!
    • The Declaration exhibited undisguised disdain for King George III:
    Quote
    The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States.
    A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
    Such scorn was characteristic of Paine, who called him “the Royal Brute of Great Britain” in Common Sense, which also contained remarks such as these:
    Quote
    I rejected the hardened, sullen-tempered Pharaoh of England forever, and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS people can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul.2
    the naked and untutored Indian, is less savage than the King of Britain.3
    Compare that to Jefferson’s tract A Summary View of the Rights of British America, in which he consistently referred to King George by the respectful title “his Majesty.” Extract:
    Quote
    to propose to the said Congress that an humble and dutiful address be presented to his Majesty, begging leave to lay before him, as Chief Magistrate of the British empire, the united complaints of his Majesty’s subjects in America . . . . which would persuade his Majesty that we are asking favors, and not rights, shall obtain from his Majesty a respectful acceptance; and this his Majesty will think we have reason to expect, when he reflects that he is no more than the chief officer of the people. . . .4 [Italics added]
    • The Declaration, including the original draft, uses the word “hath”:
    Quote
    all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.
    Why is this significant? Because in all his individual writings, Jefferson never once used the archaic word “hath,” preferring “has.” Paine, however, used it frequently—in Common Sense, for example, he used “hath” 87 times.
    • The Declaration’s original draft condemned the use of “Scotch and foreign mercenaries.” In the final version, the words “Scotch and” were stricken out by the Congress. Why would Jefferson have denounced the Scotch? He traced his own ancestry partly to Scotland, had Scottish teachers during his education, and was affectionate toward Scotsmen. But Paine’s s writings in England had expressed bitter disdain for them.5
    Many other examples can be found in the above-cited works: frequent use of capitals in the Declaration—habitual for Paine, but not Jefferson; the correlation of parts of the Declaration with passages in Common Sense; etc.
    The Silence Explained
    Much of the American republic’s history is surprisingly shrouded in secrecy. All the men who took part in the Boston Tea Party swore a 50-year oath of silence.6 This is why no participant published a description of it until George Hewes’s memoir in 1834.

    In my post The Secrets Buried at Lexington Green, we explored the fact that Americans firing shots at Lexington was also kept publicly secret until 50 years after the event.
    Was there also, then, a 50-year oath of silence regarding the Declaration? Thomas Jefferson dropped no hint of authorship for 45 years. Finally, in 1821 he recalled:
    Quote
    The committee were J. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R. Livingston & myself. Committees were also appointed at the same time to prepare a plan of confederation for the colonies, and to state the terms proper to be proposed for foreign alliance. The committee for drawing the declaration of Independence desired me to do it. It was accordingly done, and being approved by them, I reported it to the house on Friday the 28th of June when it was read and ordered to lie on the table.7
    “It was accordingly done” is not a very emphatic claim to authorship. If there was a 50-year oath of silence associated with the Declaration, it might be noteworthy that that both Jefferson and John Adams died on the exact day it would have expired: July 4, 1826. I have always romanticized that coincidence, and perhaps it should just stay romanticized. In any event, Jefferson said nothing about writing the Declaration until after Paine’s death.
    But why couldn’t Paine be acknowledged as the Declaration’s author? Three reasons stand out:
    • The Declaration was supposed to be written by elected delegates, something Paine was not.
    • Since Paine hadn’t lived in the colonies before November 30, 1774, it was debatable if he could even be described as an “American.” Although his allegiance to the revolutionary cause might certainly have merited that characterization, most Americans would have been surprised to learn their Declaration was penned by someone who had resided so briefly on their continent. (Paine later returned to Europe, living there from 1787 until 1802.)
    • But the most important reason Paine couldn’t be acknowledged was that he later wrote The Age of Reason, in which he bitterly denounced Christianity.

    Extracts:
    Quote
    It is the fable of Jesus Christ, as told in the New Testament, and the wild and visionary doctrine raised thereon, against which I contend.8
    Of all the systems of religion that ever were invented, there is none more derogatory to the Almighty, more unedifying to man, more repugnant to reason, and more contradictory in itself, than this thing called Christianity.9
    I have shown in all the foregoing parts of this work, that the Bible and Testament are impositions and forgeries.10
    I do not believe in the creed professed by the Jєωιѕн Church, by the Roman Church, by the Greek Church, by the Turkish Church, by the Protestant Church, nor by any Church that I know of. My own mind is my own Church.11
    Since America was predominantly Christian, it couldn’t be admitted that someone of such views had penned the nation’s birth certificate. It would have caused what we now call “cognitive dissonance.”
    The “Christian” Revolution
    I once heard a pastor preach a sermon on the Fourth of July. He quoted the beginning of the Declaration, laying emphasis on certain words in an effort to authenticate that America’s Founding Fathers were Christians:
    Quote
    When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights . . . .
    As the phrases “Nature’s God” and “Creator” were quoted, congregation members were oohing and aahing in a sort of mental swoon. But I knew the writer was Paine, a self-proclaimed enemy of Christianity. Here are Paine quotes that demonstrate what he really meant by “Nature’s God” and “Creator”:
    Quote
    When, therefore, we look through nature up to nature’s God, we are in the right road of happiness, but when we trust to books as the Word of God, and confide in them as revealed religion, we are afloat on the ocean of uncertainty, and shatter into contending factions.12
    But when I see throughout the greatest part of this book [the Bible] scarcely anything but a history of the grossest vices, and a collection of the most paltry and contemptible tales, I cannot dishonour my Creator by calling it by his name.13
    As the pastor continued his “patriot” sermon, I heard such a litany of misrepresentations about America that rage built incrementally within me, until I finally walked out the door. I knew the pastor meant well, but Jesus Christ said he came to tell us the truth, and my tolerance for falsehood has a low breaking point.
    Unfortunately, what this pastor was saying is very common in American evangelical churches, who subscribe to what might be called the “David Barton” view of the Founding Fathers. (Barton has made a career out of portraying them as Christians.)
    “Free Pass” Theology
    Even if Thomas Jefferson had written the Declaration of Independence, he was certainly not a Christian in the sense evangelicals mean. Jefferson created what he called the “Jefferson Bible.” This might sound “religious” at first glance, but what Jefferson did was to take the New Testament, and using a razor, cut out virtually all references to miracles, the supernatural, the Resurrection, and the divinity of Christ.
    Now if I did that in an evangelical church, I would be quickly shown the exit, called a blasphemer, and the following verse would be quoted to me:
    Quote
    And if any man shall take away from the words of the book of this prophecy, God shall take away his part out of the book of life, and out of the holy city, and from the things which are written in this book. (Revelation 22:19)
    Jefferson, however, is given a “free pass” on this. This is what I call “free pass theology”: one standard for modern Christians, another for the Founding Fathers.
    Let’s take taxation, which was the chief dispute between the American colonists and Britain. When pressed by the Pharisees in their attempt to entrap Him, Jesus was clear enough on taxation: “Render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s.” More than once, I’ve heard pastors preach on this principle, saying something like, “I certainly hope you’re all paying your taxes, and not taking deductions you don’t deserve!” casting their winnowing eyes about the congregation for any guilty looks.
    Yet if you ask these very same pastors if the Founding Fathers had to pay taxes, most will typically give them a “free pass,” saying something such as, “Well, no, because that was taxation without representation.” But Jesus made no such distinction. He didn’t say, “You don’t have to pay because you don’t have representation in the Roman senate.”
    Likewise, many modern clergymen preach obedience to government, quoting Romans 13:1-2:
    Quote
    Let everyone be subject to the governing authorities, for there is no authority except that which God has established. The authorities that exist have been established by God. Consequently, whoever rebels against the authority is rebelling against what God has instituted, and those who do so will bring judgment on themselves.
    Yet if you ask these pastors if this principle applied to the Founding Fathers, you will almost always hear a resounding “No!” I asked one pastor why this was so, given that payment of taxes is not unbiblical. He replied: “The colonists had other grievances.”
    This requires examining just what those grievances were, and Thomas Paine’s role in enumerating them.
    The Tax Issue
    Many Americans, myself included, were taught to believe that British taxes had “enslaved” the colonists. Rarely was it mentioned why those taxes were laid in the first place. During the French and Indian War (1754-63), colonists and British troops had fought on the same side. Britain’s national debt had nearly doubled by the long war’s end, and Parliament felt the burden of paying it off should not be borne by Britain’s taxpayers alone, but by the colonists as well, especially since they were the main beneficiaries of the war’s victorious outcome.
    The result was the Sugar Act of 1764, which placed a tax on molasses of three pennies per gallon. This was vigorously protested in the colonies, and Parliament repealed it. In 1765 it tried the Stamp Act (which would have placed a tax stamp on contracts, diplomas, and other docuмents). Although this revenue measure had succeeded in Britain, it was protested in the colonies so violently that Britain never collected one penny from it, and it was repealed also.
    British view of Bostonians’ response to taxation
    In 1766, a frustrated Parliament, still seeking some practical means of raising revenues from the colonies, summoned Benjamin Franklin, the leading representative of American interests in Britain, and asked him what sort of revenue measure Americans would accept. Franklin informed them: “I never heard an objection to the right of laying duties to regulate commerce . . . I know that whenever the subject has occurred in conversation where I have been present, it has appeared to be the opinion of every one that we could not be taxed by a Parliament wherein we were not represented. But the payment of duties laid by an act of Parliament as regulations of commerce was never disputed.”14
    With such assurances from Franklin, Parliament passed the Townshend Acts, assigning duties on various British goods sold in America. These, however, were also violently protested and repealed. Although it would come as a shock to many modern Americans, by 1773 there remained no British taxes on America whatsoever, with one exception: a nominal customs duty on tea of three cents per pound. Furthermore, the tea, which was surplus tea of the East India Company, was offered to colonists at half the price Englishmen paid for it. Nevertheless, Sam Adams’s Sons of Liberty were unwilling to tolerate this insult to their sacred rights. After getting suitably liquored up, they destroyed 340 chests of tea in the Boston Tea Party. The vandalism sparked outrage in Parliament, which felt it had tolerated just about enough from the colony of Massachusetts. This led to passage of the Coercive Acts, measures which included closing the port of Boston until the damage should be paid for.

    As I have pointed out elsewhere, Sam Adams, who also orchestrated the Boston Massacre and Battle of Lexington, was simply seeking to goad Britain into such retaliation, in order to create a pretext for war and revolution.
    Ask one of today’s “patriot pastors” if he would have participated in the Boston Tea Party, and he will assure you: “OF COURSE!” Yet these same pastors almost never dispute the taxes laid by today’s American government: federal income tax, state income tax, social security tax, Medicare tax, real estate tax, sales tax, excise tax, utilities tax, etc. Even though these taxes easily consume more than a hundredfold of one’s income compared to King George’s three-penny duty on a pound of tea, the pastors waggle their fingers at their congregations, reminding them to “render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s.”
    Again, if cornered about this double standard, the Bartonized pastor will tell you the colonists were exempt from taxation because they “didn’t have representation.” So let’s address this point, even though I also covered it in The Secrets Buried at Lexington Green.
    The Representation Issue
    First, the colonists did have degrees of representation—they had their own legislatures, which could present grievances to the royal governors. The colonies also had agents in England to lobby Parliament. Benjamin Franklin was the most famous.
    So the dispute boiled down to the colonies not having voting representatives in Parliament. But how practical would that be? Let’s say the colonial assemblies selected representatives to serve in Parliament. In those days of sailing ships, a transatlantic trip could easily take two months or more. Now suppose, after arriving in Parliament, the American representatives were confronted with a tax proposal. If they wished to sound out their constituencies, they would have to return to America by ship (or send a messenger or letter), consuming another two months—of course, no phones or email back then. The colonial legislatures would then have to reconvene to consider the proposal. Then the representative would have to sail back to Britain—another two months. With representatives arriving from different colonies at different times, one begins to sense what an impractical way to conduct Parliamentary business this would have been.
    Furthermore, Britain then being far more populous than the colonies, America would presumably have been outvoted on tax measures anyway—making the representation issue rather moot in its practical outcome.
    Paine’s List of Grievances
    The Declaration of Independence states that “Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes.” As a three-cent customs duty on a pound of tea clearly was a “light and transient cause,” it was necessary for Paine to erect a list of 27 grievances, of which “taxation without representation” was but one. Since Paine had lived in America only briefly, and since many of the grievances were specific to Massachusetts, it appears likely that Paine spent time closeted with Boston’s Sam Adams, “Father of the Revolution,” who was also in Philadelphia when the Second Congress met. While we can’t review every grievance in the Declaration, let’s examine a few. The first one is:
    He [the king] has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
    If you were in court, and the judge accused you of “breaking the law,” wouldn’t you want to know which law, and when? Paine’s complaint names no laws that King George refused his assent to, because there were none. The only significant colonial laws overridden by Parliament during George III’s reign were ones pertaining to the Americans printing their own money. This was probably a mistake by Parliament, but was not, in any event, attributable to the king.
    He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
    This refers strictly to Massachusetts. In 1768, after Boston had become a bedlam of violence due to Sam Adams’s waterfront mobs, Britain sent troops to restore order to the city. Because the Massachusetts House of Representatives protested the troops’ presence, the royal governor had it temporarily reconvene across the river in Cambridge at Harvard University, where the House had often met before. This was just four miles from Boston, and Harvard was quite comfortable by the standards of the day. This was a fleeting, trivial matter, of no interest to the king and long forgotten by 1776 (except, apparently, by Sam Adams).
    He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners
    This refers to the fact that when foreigners immigrated to the colonies, there was a seven-year waiting period before they could become naturalized citizens. This is not unlike our current American laws, which require foreigners to live in the United States for five years before they can apply for citizenship. This was a neutral matter so far as King George III was concerned.
    He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
    In some colonies, judges were appointed by England, but this practice long pre-dated King George III, and payment of their salaries by the crown had ordinarily been regarded as a favor by the colonies. The judges’ salaries were fixed and in no way contingent on servility toward the king.
    [HERE’S EVERYONE’S FAVORITE TO QUOTE] He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.
    Patriotic Americans like to quote this because our own government has become a vastly overgrown bureaucracy. However, only one office was ever established in America under George III, not “multitudes”: that was the Customs office—which, as we have seen, was only created because the colonies refused taxation, and Ben Franklin told Parliament that Americans would respect customs duties. As to “swarms” of officers, it should be noted that any government agency (e.g., the Post Office) requires some employees. How many did the Customs office have? There were five customs commissioners, and perhaps some forty officers and clerks under them. All told, with 13 colonies, this would have worked out to less than five employees per colony, making the only “swarms” Paine’s own words of hyperbole.
    He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
    The colonies had their own militias which were answerable to them. However, the British army acted on the authority of the king and Parliament, which was entirely appropriate—just as the United States Army today is answerable to the President and Congress, not (for example) the local legislatures of territories like Puerto Rico.
    He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
    This grievance is predicated on the false claim in the previous one: that the British army was somehow under the colonial legislatures’ authority. I wish to mention that such specious argumentation did not speak well for the Declaration’s author.
    For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences.
    Although Britain was empowered to do this for treason, in point of fact no American colonists of that era were brought to England to stand trial.
    In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury.
    Although petitions were sent regarding the 1774 Coercive Acts (provoked by the Boston Tea Party), petitions were certainly not received by King George for “every stage” of Paine’s enumerated complaints.
    If you would like to see a refutation of the entire grievance list, I encourage you to read Strictures upon the Declaration of Independence (1776) by Thomas Hutchinson, the Massachusetts-born former governor of that colony. When the Declaration was received in England, people were dumbfounded by it, having no clue as to what most of the grievances referred to.

    The Revolution’s Meaning
    The Revolution was clearly not based on Paine’s list of grievances. As Hutchinson noted:
    Quote
    But there were men in each of the principal Colonies, who had independence in view, before any of those Taxes were laid, or proposed . . . . A concession has only produced a further demand, and I verily believe if every thing had been granted short of absolute Independence, they would not have been contented; for this [was] the object from the beginning.15
    With the Declaration’s 240th anniversary upon us, I believe the time has come to reevaluate America’s founding. An excellent starting place for many people would be Chris Pinto’s series of docuмentaries Secret Mysteries of America’s Beginnings, which may be bought on Amazon or viewed on YouTube. A good Pinto film to begin with is . While I don’t agree with his views 100 percent, that docuмentary was a huge wake-up call for me. If you have not already read it, I also recommend my post The Secrets Buried at Lexington Green, the only vetting of the 1775 Battle of Lexington, Massachusetts (the town I grew up in) as a fαℓѕє fℓαg. I also discussed this event on The Corbett Report:
    Patience is a conquering virtue. The learned say that, if it not desert you, It vanquishes what force can never reach; Why answer back at every angry speech? No, learn forbearance or, I'll tell you what, You will be taught it, whether you will or not.
    -Geoffrey Chaucer