Author Topic: Orwell Comes to Minnesota: Forcible Removal (Read 480 times)

SeanJohnson · « **on:** May 12, 2020, 12:04:11 PM »

MACC CALL TO ACTION: FEEDBACK NEEDED ASAP ON TESTING, TRACING AND CASE INVESTIGATION BILL
MAY 11, 2020 EDUCATIONWATCHDOG 1 COMMENT
MACC CALL TO ACTION: FEEDBACK NEEDED ASAP ON TESTING, TRACING and CASE INVESTIGATION BILL

CALL/EMAIL List

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Sen. Michelle Benson  651-296-3219  sen.michelle.benson@senate.mn
Sen. Scott Jensen  651-296-4837  sen.scott.jensen@senate.mn
Sen. Jim Abeler  651-296-3733  sen.jim.abeler@senate.mn
Sen. Paul Gazelka  651-296-4875  sen.paul.gazelka@senate.mn
Sen. Jeremy Miller  651-296-5649  sen.jeremy.miller@senate.mn
Whether you have followed all of the executive orders, press conferences and legislative hearings daily or not, this is now what is imminently before the citizens of Minnesota. Senator Benson and other senators are asking for input on the Test/Trace bill. If this is important to you, be sure to call today.
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MAY 12 LIKELY

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The Senate Health Committee will take up Senate File (SF) 4500 likely on Tuesday, May 12 and perhaps additional meetings this week. (The Agenda is TBA.)
The original SF 4500 appropriated grant monies to institutions to develop a seriological test to be used in Minnesota. There was consent language for healthcare workers and data privacy language. That is now gone!Deleting the original bill and subject matter, Amended SF 4500 takes a deep dive into testing, tracing, case investigation and follow-up like we are seeing in some other states.
BIG CONCERN #1: The bill lists actions to be taken without any specificity as to how programs will be run. It hands all authority to the Department of Health to set up these programs. [Sen. Benson: SF 4500 bill lacks specificity and thereby protection for citizens. Please, Insert protectionary parameters which removes testing and tracing mandates and ensures data privacy.]
SECTION 6. PROGRAM ESTABLISHED [Evidence]
“Subd. 2. Program established. In order to control the spread of COVID-19 in the state, the commissioner shall establish a contact tracing, case investigation, and follow-up services program for persons with COVID-19. This program must operate to accurately and efficiently identify contacts of persons with COVID-19, perform case investigations, and provide follow-up services.”
[For example, the Dept of Health would decide the policy on how to remove citizens from their homes (“alternative housing” Section 6, Subd 3.) What about children? Will they have to be removed from their homes, isolated and quarantined for 14 days at some remote location? What happens to children when a single parent or both parents must be removed? We have more questions than answers! A Ventura County, CA official spoke to this issue on video quite recently!]
BIG CONCERN #2 is that CONSENT LANGUAGE was removed from the bill and it’s now written for the general populace. Data will be collected. There is no language on protecting citizen data thereby making the bill dangerous in surveillance and profiling. [Sen. Benson: Re-establish consent language into SF 4500. Consent to test, to trace. Insert a Tennessen Warning for all citizens and other good sense measures to make sure Minnesota remains a free state.]
BIG CONCERN #3: SF 4500 establishes an entire cottage industry; an army of medical military. Will 4,000+ contact tracers really be needed? Will this cause neighbor to turn on neighbor and friend or family to turn on each other? Why are we allowing public health departments to take complete control of our personal health decisions? Besides that, the costs will likely be enormous! [Sen. Benson: The contact tracing programs sound quite dystopian. Minnesota has had 500+ unfortunate deaths attributed to Covid-19. Consider whether this program is needed at all. A heavily surveilled contact tracing and testing program could easily lead to the elimination of personal health rights. Please consider carefully the appropriations truly needed due to our grave indebtedness.]
Section 6 of SF 4500 includes policy but not how that policy will actually work.
Sec. 6. CONTACT TRACING, CASE INVESTIGATION, AND FOLLOW-UP: SERVICES PROGRAM FOR PERSONS WITH COVID-19.
“Subd. 2. Program established. In order to control the spread of COVID-19 in the state, the commissioner shall establish a contact tracing, case investigation, and follow-up services program for persons with COVID-19. This program must operate to accurately and efficiently identify contacts of persons with COVID-19, perform case investigations, and provide follow-up services.
Contact tracing, case investigation, follow-up services, and information technology necessary to support these activities;
(2) hiring, training, and managing staff and volunteers to perform contact tracing, case investigation, and follow-up services;
(3) providing essential services, including but not limited to the provision of alternate housing, food delivery, and delivery of medications, to persons with COVID-19 who are subject to isolation or quarantine;
(4) community education;
(5) interpreter services;
(6) community outreach through statewide or local media or other methods of communication;
(7) purchasing personal protective equipment necessary for staff and volunteers to perform contact tracing, case investigation, and follow-up services;
(8) providing grants to local health departments, community health boards, and tribal health departments for purposes of this section;
(9) contracting with a vendor to hire, train, and manage program staff and volunteers; and
(10) transferring funds to other state agencies as necessary to establish and operate the program.”
Link to SF 4500 amended version. https://www.senate.mn/committees/2019-2020/3095_Committee_on_Health_and_Human_Services_Finance_and_Policy/scs4500a-2%20(006).pdf?fbclid=IwAR37EJ5J-dzBbgEx_lxHNPG1C2FK2Oht4fVE6aVRdgGqeUugReadU3byhYE

Link to SF 4500 original version. https://www.revisor.mn.gov/bills/bill.php?f=SF4500&b=senate&y=2020&ssn=0
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Kazimierz · « **Reply #1 on:** May 12, 2020, 03:29:31 PM »

Why dont you want to cooperate with us Johnson Sean 1138?

"Your kind are extinct."

SeanJohnson · « **Reply #2 on:** May 15, 2020, 05:32:39 PM »

Below are the results of the bill mentioned in the OP.

If I am reading this all correctly (cursorily on my cell), it looks like at least in Minnesota, the biggest concerns have been averted:

Subd. 2, Line 1. 18 and 1.19
No testing on an individual without written consent ubd. 2 Line 1.20 – 1.22 An individual who tests positive for Covid-19 is not required to cooperate with contract tracing and may refuse to provide information.

And:

Line 2.7 – 2.11
“If an asymptomatic individual refuses to be tested for COVID-19 as part of the screening process, the Commissioner shall not have the authority to pursue an ex parte order (Statute 144.4195) authorizing isolation or quarantine of the individual.”

Deo Gratias!

COMMON CORE STATE STANDARDS
MINNESOTA SF 4500 & HF 4579- TESTING AND CONTACT TRACING BILLS MOVE FORWARD – KNOW YOUR RIGHTS!
MAY 15, 2020 EDUCATIONWATCHDOG LEAVE A COMMENT

Minnesota SF 4500 & HF 4579 – Testing and Contact Tracing Bills Move Forward – Know Your Rights!
What SF 4500 and HR 4579 sets into motion is horrific to envision. These are just not “any” bills. These bills point to the destruction of our society – a society that will never be the same again.
Testing and contact tracing programs should never be a prerequisite for opening state’s businesses and schools! Do you see what they’ve just done?
We can go back to “normal” they say and reopen the state, as long as everyone submits to a daily fever check, numerous tests including DNA blood tests and of course lots of contact tracing questions – who were you with, how long, according to your cell phone you spent one hour with XX but declined to tell us. It’s a small price to pay for your freedom, right?
The Senate has refused the House language and worked toward an amended bill, SF 4500, that focuses more on a “Bill of Rights” for individuals excluding employees (while handing out more grants to businesses in order to install the testing and tracing.) More on employers/employees later. SF 4500 https://www.senate.mn/committees/2019-2020/3095_Committee_on_Health_and_Human_Services_Finance_and_Policy/scs4500a16%20(003).pdf
The House bill – HR 4579 –
is a mandatory docuмent on all accounts and includes “alternative housing”. How do these different bills work going forward? The legislature will close it’s doors on May 18th (Monday). Small conference committees will conference together the House and Senate bills and likely we’ll end with one health omnibus bill where they pass a little good and mostly bad (for the sake of the good). HR 4579 (3rd version of bill) https://www.revisor.mn.gov/bills/text.php?number=HF4579&version=2&session=ls91&session_year=2020&session_number=0
So before we get into the bill, let me be clear…

Let me also be clear!

All to say…. Contact Tracing is not necessary! Contact Tracing will hire an army of “medical military” and it will be used to control us all while continuing to collapse our state financially!
SF 4500 (an amendment titled A16) is easily broken into three sections or subdivisions, definitions, testing and tracing bill of rights and grants to employers.
In Subd 1
Definitions, Line 1.12 and 1.13 A positive case is only positive when the individual has received a positive diagnostic test. Up until now, positive case status has been conferred with a simple listing of symptoms, even over the phone. This ties a positive diagnostic test result with a “positive case.” Good definition.
In Subd 2
Testing and Contact Tracing Bill of Rights
Line 1.15 the word “employees” was removed. Background: At Tuesday hearing, Sen Abeler expressed the possible difficulties to keep “employees” and “employers” as part of the Bill of Rights because of existing employment law. At the Thursday hearing, a Chamber of Commerce spokesperson, Bentley Graves, stated that he appreciated the change in language in the bill since a host of guidance from the WHO and CDC as well as Executive Order(s) are guiding Minnesota employer reopenings. Evidently, employers are being what they can and what they can not do. MACC is grieved that the senators removed protections for employees.
————————————————————————————————————————————-
Subd. 2, Line 1. 18 and 1.19 No testing on an individual without written consentubd. 2 Line 1.20 – 1.22 An individual who tests positive for Covid-19 is not required to cooperate with contract tracing and may refuse to provide information.
Subd 2 Line 1.23 – 1.25 A commissioner’s contracted vendor must provide a Tennessen Warning to individuals prior to contact tracing. A Tennessen Warning is a Minnesota statute that warns citizens that their data is about to be taken.
Subd 2 Line 1.26 – 1.29 Testing results are considered as a health record and shall not be disclosed without written consent of individuals. The word, “written” was removed from this line and in 2 other lines. (Remember that Governor Walz EO to have all health records for those who’ve tested positively be sent to 500 police departments. (Perhaps this line is in place for when the Governor relinquishes his emergency powers?)
Subd 2 Line 1:30 – 2:6 Contact tracing data is considered private data. The commissioner “shall” established procedures and safeguards to ensure data will not be released, included an individual’s address of residence or specific individual information.
“Shall” should be changed to “must”!
Line 2.7 – 2.11 “If an asymptomatic individual refuses to be tested for COVID-19 as part of the screening process, the Commissioner shall not have the authority to pursue an ex parte order (Statute 144.4195) authorizing isolation or quarantine of the individual.”
————————————————————————————————————————————-
Subd 3: Grants to Employers
Line 2.12 – 2.17 The commissioner shall award grants to employers to assist the employer in establishing COVID-19 testing of employees. The commissioner will be in charge of the process and determine amount and number of grants. Priority given to employers that involve high-risk sites and available to employers of 100 employees or less.
This grant subdivision was an add-on that was not well received by everyone on the committee. Will these employer grants further incentivize employers to implement agency policy?
Friends, You are going to have to know your rights, ie. your Constitutional Bill of Rights and know this legislation when it is passed. This is partially what you will use to protect your children and your family. As a parent, you have parental rights to raise your child as you feel best, whether educationally or in their health care. At any time, Com. Malcolm or Gov. Walz could modify anything passed by the legislature.
It’s time to stop being “Minnesota Nice”. We must get loud! You must be ready to stand up for your own inalienable rights, those rights that God gives to us. Only look to Washington and other states where the Department of Health is already implementing testing and tracing. You will recognize our need to pray fervently and stand up for our families!

Remember these words?
War is Peace; Freedom is Slavery; Ignorance is Strength. George Orwell, 1984.

Spork · « **Reply #3 on:** May 15, 2020, 08:02:11 PM »

I would have read this if it weren't presented obnoxiously and tabloidy.

SeanJohnson · « **Reply #4 on:** May 15, 2020, 08:32:17 PM »

Sorry; I just copied/pasted, and this is how it came out.

Spork · « **Reply #5 on:** May 17, 2020, 05:20:13 PM »

Quote from: SeanJohnson on May 15, 2020, 08:32:17 PM

Sorry; I just copied/pasted, and this is how it came out.

Fair enough. Thanks!

Incredulous · « **Reply #6 on:** May 17, 2020, 06:29:35 PM »

Quote from: Kazimierz on May 12, 2020, 03:29:31 PM

Why dont you want to cooperate with us Johnson Sean 1138?

"Your kind are extinct."

"How many fingers am I holding up Winston?

Bishop Williamson lectured on Orwell's "1984"

Although it is not specified, reading this portion of the script, reveals a rabbinic plot, to mentally destroy Catholic's to remove their resolve for martyrdom.

1984 Link

Part 3, Chapter 2

He was lying on something that felt like a camp bed, except that it was higher off the ground and that he was fixed down in some way so that he could not move. Light that seemed stronger than usual was falling on his face. O'Brien was standing at his side, looking down at him intently. At the other side of him stood a man in a white coat, holding a hypodermic syringe.

Even after his eyes were open he took in his surroundings only gradually. He had the impression of swimming up into this room from some quite different world, a sort of underwater world far beneath it. How long he had been down there he did not know. Since the moment when they arrested him he had not seen darkness or daylight. Besides, his memories were not continuous. There had been times when consciousness, even the sort of consciousness that one has in sleep, had stopped dead and started again after a blank interval. But whether the intervals were of days or weeks or only seconds, there was no way of knowing.

With that first blow on the elbow the nightmare had started. Later he was to realize that all that then happened was merely a preliminary, a routine interrogation to which nearly all prisoners were subjected. There was a long range of crimes -- espionage, sabotage, and the like -- to which everyone had to confess as a matter of course. The confession was a formality, though the torture was real. How many times he had been beaten, how long the beatings had continued, he could not remember. Always there were five or six men in black uniforms at him simultaneously. Sometimes it was fists, sometimes it was truncheons, sometimes it was steel rods, sometimes it was boots. There were times when he rolled about the floor, as shameless as an animal, writhing his body this way and that in an endless, hopeless effort to dodge the kicks, and simply inviting more and yet more kicks, in his ribs, in his belly, on his elbows, on his shins, in his groin, in his testicles, on the bone at the base of his spine.

There were times when it went on and on until the cruel, wicked, unforgivable thing seemed to him not that the guards continued to beat him but that he could not force himself into losing consciousness. There were times when his nerve so forsook him that he began shouting for mercy even before the beating began, when the mere sight of a fist drawn back for a blow was enough to make him pour forth a confession of real and imaginary crimes. There were other times when he started out with the resolve of confessing nothing, when every word had to be forced out of him between gasps of pain, and there were times when he feebly tried to compromise, when he said to himself: 'I will confess, but not yet. I must hold out till the pain becomes unbearable. Three more kicks, two more kicks, and then I will tell them what they want.' Sometimes he was beaten till he could hardly stand, then flung like a sack of potatoes on to the stone floor of a cell, left to recuperate for a few hours, and then taken out and beaten again. There were also longer periods of recovery. He remembered them dimly, because they were spent chiefly in sleep or stupor. He remembered a cell with a plank bed, a sort of shelf sticking out from the wall, and a tin wash-basin, and meals of hot soup and bread and sometimes coffee. He remembered a surly barber arriving to scrape his chin and crop his hair, and businesslike, unsympathetic men in white coats feeling his pulse, tapping his reflexes, turning up his eyelids, running harsh fingers over him in search for broken bones, and shooting needles into his arm to make him sleep.

The beatings grew less frequent, and became mainly a threat, a horror to which he could be sent back at any moment when his answers were unsatisfactory. His questioners now were not ruffians in black uniforms but Party intellectuals, little rotund men with quick movements and flashing spectacles, who worked on him in relays over periods which lasted -- he thought, he could not be sure -- ten or twelve hours at a stretch. These other questioners saw to it that he was in constant slight pain, but it was not chiefly pain that they relied on. They slapped his face, wrung his ears, pulled his hair, made him stand on one leg, refused him leave to urinate, shone glaring lights in his face until his eyes ran with water; but the aim of this was simply to humiliate him and destroy his power of arguing and reasoning. Their real weapon was the merciless questioning that went on and on, hour after hour, tripping him up, laying traps for him, twisting everything that he said, convicting him at every step of lies and self-contradiction until he began weeping as much from shame as from nervous fatigue.

Sometimes he would weep half a dozen times in a single session. Most of the time they screamed abuse at him and threatened at every hesitation to deliver him over to the guards again; but sometimes they would suddenly change their tune, call him comrade, appeal to him in the name of Ingsoc and Big Brother, and ask him sorrowfully whether even now he had not enough loyalty to the Party left to make him wish to undo the evil he had done. When his nerves were in rags after hours of questioning, even this appeal could reduce him to snivelling tears. In the end the nagging voices broke him down more completely than the boots and fists of the guards. He became simply a mouth that uttered, a hand that signed, whatever was demanded of him. His sole concern was to find out what they wanted him to confess, and then confess it quickly, before the bullying started anew. He confessed to the assassination of eminent Party members, the distribution of seditious pamphlets, embezzlement of public funds, sale of military secrets, sabotage of every kind. He confessed that he had been a spy in the pay of the Eastasian government as far back as 1968.

He confessed that he was a religious believer, an admirer of capitalism, and a sɛҳuąƖ pervert. He confessed that he had murdered his wife, although he knew, and his questioners must have known, that his wife was still alive. He confessed that for years he had been in personal touch with Goldstein and had been a member of an underground organization which had included almost every human being he had ever known. It was easier to confess everything and implicate everybody. Besides, in a sense it was all true. It was true that he had been the enemy of the Party, and in the eyes of the Party there was no distinction between the thought and the deed.

There were also memories of another kind. They stood out in his mind disconnectedly, like pictures with blackness all round them.

He was in a cell which might have been either dark or light, because he could see nothing except a pair of eyes. Near at hand some kind of instrument was ticking slowly and regularly. The eyes grew larger and more luminous. Suddenly he floated out of his seat, dived into the eyes, and was swallowed up.

He was strapped into a chair surrounded by dials, under dazzling lights. A man in a white coat was reading the dials. There was a tramp of heavy boots outside. The door clanged open. The waxed-faced officer marched in, followed by two guards.

'Room 101,' said the officer.

The man in the white coat did not turn round. He did not look at Winston either; he was looking only at the dials.

He was rolling down a mighty corridor, a kilometer wide, full of glorious, golden light, roaring with laughter and shouting out confessions at the top of his voice. He was confessing everything, even the things he had succeeded in holding back under the torture. He was relating the entire history of his life to an audience who knew it already. With him were the guards, the other questioners, the men in white coats, O'Brien, Julia, Mr Charrington, all rolling down the corridor together and shouting with laughter. Some dreadful thing which had lain embedded in the future had somehow been skipped over and had not happened. Everything was all right, there was no more pain, the last detail of his life was laid bare, understood, forgiven.

He was starting up from the plank bed in the half-certainty that he had heard O'Brien's voice. All through his interrogation, although he had never seen him, he had had the feeling that O'Brien was at his elbow, just out of sight. It was O'Brien who was directing everything. It was he who set the guards on to Winston and who prevented them from killing him. It was he who decided when Winston should scream with pain, when he should have a respite, when he should be fed, when he should sleep, when the drugs should be pumped into his arm. It was he who asked the questions and suggested the answers. He was the tormentor, he was the protector, he was the inquisitor, he was the friend. And once -- Winston could not remember whether it was in drugged sleep, or in normal sleep, or even in a moment of wakefulness -- a voice murmured in his ear: 'Don't worry, Winston; you are in my keeping. For seven years I have watched over you. Now the turning-point has come. I shall save you, I shall make you perfect.' He was not sure whether it was O'Brien's voice; but it was the same voice that had said to him, 'We shall meet in the place where there is no darkness,' in that other dream, seven years ago.

He did not remember any ending to his interrogation. There was a period of blackness and then the cell, or room, in which he now was had gradually materialized round him. He was almost flat on his back, and unable to move. His body was held down at every essential point. Even the back of his head was gripped in some manner. O'Brien was looking down at him gravely and rather sadly. His face, seen from below, looked coarse and worn, with pouches under the eyes and tired lines from nose to chin. He was older than Winston had thought him; he was perhaps forty-eight or fifty. Under his hand there was a dial with a lever on top and figures running round the face.

'I told you,' said O'Brien, 'that if we met again it would be here.'

'Yes,' said Winston.

Without any warning except a slight movement of O'Brien's hand, a wave of pain flooded his body. It was a frightening pain, because he could not see what was happening, and he had the feeling that some mortal injury was being done to him. He did not know whether the thing was really happening, or whether the effect was electrically produced; but his body was being wrenched out of shape, the joints were being slowly torn apart. Although the pain had brought the sweat out on his forehead, the worst of all was the fear that his backbone was about to snap. He set his teeth and breathed hard through his nose, trying to keep silent as long as possible.

'You are afraid,' said O'Brien, watching his face, 'that in another moment something is going to break. Your especial fear is that it will be your backbone. You have a vivid mental picture of the vertebrae snapping apart and the spinal fluid dripping out of them. That is what you are thinking, is it not, Winston?'

Winston did not answer. O'Brien drew back the lever on the dial. The wave of pain receded almost as quickly as it had come.

'That was forty,' said O'Brien. 'You can see that the numbers on this dial run up to a hundred. Will you please remember, throughout our conversation, that I have it in my power to inflict pain on you at any moment and to whatever degree I choose? If you tell me any lies, or attempt to prevaricate in any way, or even fall below your usual level of intelligence, you will cry out with pain, instantly. Do you understand that?'

'Yes,' said Winston.

O'Brien's manner became less severe. He resettled his spectacles thoughtfully, and took a pace or two up and down. When he spoke his voice was gentle and patient. He had the air of a doctor, a teacher, even a priest, anxious to explain and persuade rather than to punish.

'I am taking trouble with you, Winston,' he said, 'because you are worth trouble. You know perfectly well what is the matter with you. You have known it for years, though you have fought against the knowledge. You are mentally deranged. You suffer from a defective memory. You are unable to remember real events and you persuade yourself that you remember other events which never happened. Fortunately it is curable. You have never cured yourself of it, because you did not choose to. There was a small effort of the will that you were not ready to make. Even now, I am well aware, you are clinging to your disease under the impression that it is a virtue. Now we will take an example. At this moment, which power is Oceania at war with?'

'When I was arrested, Oceania was at war with Eastasia.'

'With Eastasia. Good. And Oceania has always been at war with Eastasia, has it not?'

Winston drew in his breath. He opened his mouth to speak and then did not speak. He could not take his eyes away from the dial.

'The truth, please, Winston. Your truth. Tell me what you think you remember.'

'I remember that until only a week before I was arrested, we were not at war with Eastasia at all. We were in alliance with them. The war was against Eurasia. That had lasted for four years. Before that --'

O'Brien stopped him with a movement of the hand.

'Another example,' he said. 'Some years ago you had a very serious delusion indeed. You believed that three men, three onetime Party members named Jones, Aaronson, and Rutherford men who were executed for treachery and sabotage after making the fullest possible confession -- were not guilty of the crimes they were charged with. You believed that you had seen unmistakable docuмentary evidence proving that their confessions were false. There was a certain photograph about which you had a hallucination. You believed that you had actually held it in your hands. It was a photograph something like this.'

An oblong slip of newspaper had appeared between O'Brien's fingers. For perhaps five seconds it was within the angle of Winston's vision. It was a photograph, and there was no question of its identity. It was the photograph. It was another copy of the photograph of Jones, Aaronson, and Rutherford at the party function in New York, which he had chanced upon eleven years ago and promptly destroyed. For only an instant it was before his eyes, then it was out of sight again. But he had seen it, unquestionably he had seen it! He made a desperate, agonizing effort to wrench the top half of his body free. It was impossible to move so much as a centimetre in any direction. For the moment he had even forgotten the dial. All he wanted was to hold the photograph in his fingers again, or at least to see it.

'It exists!' he cried.

'No,' said O'Brien.

He stepped across the room. There was a memory hole in the opposite wall. O'Brien lifted the grating. Unseen, the frail slip of paper was whirling away on the current of warm air; it was vanishing in a flash of flame. O'Brien turned away from the wall.

'Ashes,' he said. 'Not even identifiable ashes. Dust. It does not exist. It never existed.'

'But it did exist! It does exist! It exists in memory. I remember it. You remember it.'

'I do not remember it,' said O'Brien.

Winston's heart sank. That was doublethink. He had a feeling of deadly helplessness. If he could have been certain that O'Brien was lying, it would not have seemed to matter. But it was perfectly possible that O'Brien had really forgotten the photograph. And if so, then already he would have forgotten his denial of remembering it, and forgotten the act of forgetting. How could one be sure that it was simple trickery? Perhaps that lunatic dislocation in the mind could really happen: that was the thought that defeated him.

O'Brien was looking down at him speculatively. More than ever he had the air of a teacher taking pains with a wayward but promising child.

'There is a Party slogan dealing with the control of the past,' he said. 'Repeat it, if you please.'

'"Who controls the past controls the future: who controls the present controls the past,"' repeated Winston obediently.

'"Who controls the present controls the past,"' said O'Brien, nodding his head with slow approval. 'Is it your opinion, Winston, that the past has real existence?'

Again the feeling of helplessness descended upon Winston. His eyes flitted towards the dial. He not only did not know whether 'yes' or 'no' was the answer that would save him from pain; he did not even know which answer he believed to be the true one.

O'Brien smiled faintly. 'You are no metaphysician, Winston,' he said. 'Until this moment you had never considered what is meant by existence. I will put it more precisely. Does the past exist concretely, in space? Is there somewhere or other a place, a world of solid objects, where the past is still happening?'

'No.'

'Then where does the past exist, if at all?'

'In records. It is written down.'

'In records. And --?'

'In the mind. In human memories.'

'In memory. Very well, then. We, the Party, control all records, and we control all memories. Then we control the past, do we not?'

'But how can you stop people remembering things?' cried Winston again momentarily forgetting the dial. 'It is involuntary. It is outside oneself. How can you control memory? You have not controlled mine!'

O'Brien's manner grew stern again. He laid his hand on the dial.

'On the contrary,' he said, 'you have not controlled it. That is what has brought you here. You are here because you have failed in humility, in self-discipline. You would not make the act of submission which is the price of sanity. You preferred to be a lunatic, a minority of one. Only the disciplined mind can see reality, Winston. You believe that reality is something objective, external, existing in its own right. You also believe that the nature of reality is self-evident. When you delude yourself into thinking that you see something, you assume that everyone else sees the same thing as you. But I tell you, Winston, that reality is not external. Reality exists in the human mind, and nowhere else. Not in the individual mind, which can make mistakes, and in any case soon perishes: only in the mind of the Party, which is collective and immortal. Whatever the Party holds to be the truth, is truth. It is impossible to see reality except by looking through the eyes of the Party. That is the fact that you have got to relearn, Winston. It needs an act of self-destruction, an effort of the will. You must humble yourself before you can become sane.'

He paused for a few moments, as though to allow what he had been saying to sink in.

'Do you remember,' he went on, 'writing in your diary, "Freedom is the freedom to say that two plus two make four"?'

'Yes,' said Winston.

O'Brien held up his left hand, its back towards Winston, with the thumb hidden and the four fingers extended.

'How many fingers am I holding up, Winston?'

'Four.'

'And if the party says that it is not four but five -- then how many?'

'Four.'

The word ended in a gasp of pain. The needle of the dial had shot up to fifty-five. The sweat had sprung out all over Winston's body. The air tore into his lungs and issued again in deep groans which even by clenching his teeth he could not stop. O'Brien watched him, the four fingers still extended. He drew back the lever. This time the pain was only slightly eased.

'How many fingers, Winston?'

'Four.'

The needle went up to sixty.

'How many fingers, Winston?'

'Four! Four! What else can I say? Four!'

The needle must have risen again, but he did not look at it. The heavy, stern face and the four fingers filled his vision. The fingers stood up before his eyes like pillars, enormous, blurry, and seeming to vibrate, but unmistakably four.

'How many fingers, Winston?'

'Four! Stop it, stop it! How can you go on? Four! Four!'

'How many fingers, Winston?'

'Five! Five! Five!'

'No, Winston, that is no use. You are lying. You still think there are four. How many fingers, please?'

'Four! five! Four! Anything you like. Only stop it, stop the pain!'

Abruptly he was sitting up with O'Brien's arm round his shoulders. He had perhaps lost consciousness for a few seconds. The bonds that had held his body down were loosened. He felt very cold, he was shaking uncontrollably, his teeth were chattering, the tears were rolling down his cheeks. For a moment he clung to O'Brien like a baby, curiously comforted by the heavy arm round his shoulders. He had the feeling that O'Brien was his protector, that the pain was something that came from outside, from some other source, and that it was O'Brien who would save him from it.

'You are a slow learner, Winston,' said O'Brien gently.

'How can I help it?' he blubbered. 'How can I help seeing what is in front of my eyes? Two and two are four.'

'Sometimes, Winston. Sometimes they are five. Sometimes they are three. Sometimes they are all of them at once. You must try harder. It is not easy to become sane.'

He laid Winston down on the bed. The grip of his limbs tightened again, but the pain had ebbed away and the trembling had stopped, leaving him merely weak and cold. O'Brien motioned with his head to the man in the white coat, who had stood immobile throughout the proceedings. The man in the white coat bent down and looked closely into Winston's eyes, felt his pulse, laid an ear against his chest, tapped here and there, then he nodded to O'Brien.

'Again,' said O'Brien.

The pain flowed into Winston's body. The needle must be at seventy, seventy-five. He had shut his eyes this time. He knew that the fingers were still there, and still four. All that mattered was somehow to stay alive until the spasm was over. He had ceased to notice whether he was crying out or not. The pain lessened again. He opened his eyes. O'Brien had drawn back the lever.

'How many fingers, Winston?'

'Four. I suppose there are four. I would see five if I could. I am trying to see five.'

'Which do you wish: to persuade me that you see five, or really to see them?'

'Really to see them.'

'Again,' said O'Brien.

Perhaps the needle was eighty -- ninety. Winston could not intermittently remember why the pain was happening. Behind his screwed-up eyelids a forest of fingers seemed to be moving in a sort of dance, weaving in and out, disappearing behind one another and reappearing again. He was trying to count them, he could not remember why. He knew only that it was impossible to count them, and that this was somehow due to the mysterious identity between five and four. The pain died down again. When he opened his eyes it was to find that he was still seeing the same thing. Innumerable fingers, like moving trees, were still streaming past in either direction, crossing and recrossing. He shut his eyes again.

'How many fingers am I holding up, Winston?'

'I don't know. I don't know. You will kill me if you do that again. Four, five, six -- in all honesty I don't know.'

'Better,' said O'Brien.

A needle slid into Winston's arm. Almost in the same instant a blissful, healing warmth spread all through his body. The pain was already half-forgotten. He opened his eyes and looked up gratefully at O'Brien. At sight of the heavy, lined face, so ugly and so intelligent, his heart seemed to turn over. If he could have moved he would have stretched out a hand and laid it on O'Brien arm. He had never loved him so deeply as at this moment, and not merely because he had stopped the pain. The old feeling, that it bottom it did not matter whether O'Brien was a friend or an enemy, had come back. O'Brien was a person who could be talked to. Perhaps one did not want to be loved so much as to be understood. O'Brien had tortured him to the edge of lunacy, and in a little while, it was certain, he would send him to his death. It made no difference. In some sense that went deeper than friendship, they were intimates: somewhere or other, although the actual words might never be spoken, there was a place where they could meet and talk. O'Brien was looking down at him with an expression which suggested that the same thought might be in his own mind. When he spoke it was in an easy, conversational tone.

'Do you know where you are, Winston?' he said.

'I don't know. I can guess. In the Ministry of Love.'

'Do you know how long you have been here?'

'I don't know. Days, weeks, months -- I think it is months.'

'And why do you imagine that we bring people to this place?'

'To make them confess.'

'No, that is not the reason. Try again.'

'To punish them.'

'No!' exclaimed O'Brien. His voice had changed extraordinarily, and his face had suddenly become both stern and animated. 'No! Not merely to extract your confession, not to punish you. Shall I tell you why we have brought you here? To cure you! To make you sane! Will you understand, Winston, that no one whom we bring to this place ever leaves our hands uncured? We are not interested in those stupid crimes that you have committed. The Party is not interested in the overt act: the thought is all we care about. We do not merely destroy our enemies, we change them. Do you understand what I mean by that?'

He was bending over Winston. His face looked enormous because of its nearness, and hideously ugly because it was seen from below. Moreover it was filled with a sort of exaltation, a lunatic intensity. Again Winston's heart shrank. If it had been possible he would have cowered deeper into the bed. He felt certain that O'Brien was about to twist the dial out of sheer wantonness. At this moment, however, O'Brien turned away. He took a pace or two up and down. Then he continued less vehemently:

'The first thing for you to understand is that in this place there are no martyrdoms. You have read of the religious persecutions of the past. In the Middle Ages there was the Inquisition. It was a failure. It set out to eradicate heresy, and ended by perpetuating it. For every heretic it burned at the stake, thousands of others rose up. Why was that? Because the Inquisition killed its enemies in the open, and killed them while they were still unrepentant: in fact, it killed them because they were unrepentant. Men were dying because they would not abandon their true beliefs. Naturally all the glory belonged to the victim and all the shame to the Inquisitor who burned him. Later, in the twentieth century, there were the totalitarians, as they were called. There were the German nαzιs and the Russian Communists. The Russians persecuted heresy more cruelly than the Inquisition had done. And they imagined that they had learned from the mistakes of the past; they knew, at any rate, that one must not make martyrs. Before they exposed their victims to public trial, they deliberately set themselves to destroy their dignity.

They wore them down by torture and solitude until they were despicable, cringing wretches, confessing whatever was put into their mouths, covering themselves with abuse, accusing and sheltering behind one another, whimpering for mercy. And yet after only a few years the same thing had happened over again. The dead men had become martyrs and their degradation was forgotten. Once again, why was it? In the first place, because the confessions that they had made were obviously extorted and untrue. We do not make mistakes of that kind. All the confessions that are uttered here are true. We make them true. And above all we do not allow the dead to rise up against us. You must stop imagining that posterity will vindicate you, Winston. Posterity will never hear of you. You will be lifted clean out from the stream of history. We shall turn you into gas and pour you into the stratosphere. Nothing will remain of you, not a name in a register, not a memory in a living brain. You will be annihilated in the past as well as in the future. You will never have existed.'

Then why bother to torture me? thought Winston, with a momentary bitterness. O'Brien checked his step as though Winston had uttered the thought aloud. His large ugly face came nearer, with the eyes a little narrowed.

'You are thinking,' he said, 'that since we intend to destroy you utterly, so that nothing that you say or do can make the smallest difference -- in that case, why do we go to the trouble of interrogating you first? That is what you were thinking, was it not?'

'Yes,' said Winston.

O'Brien smiled slightly. 'You are a flaw in the pattern, Winston. You are a stain that must be wiped out. Did I not tell you just now that we are different from the persecutors of the past? We are not content with negative obedience, nor even with the most abject submission. When finally you surrender to us, it must be of your own free will. We do not destroy the heretic because he resists us: so long as he resists us we never destroy him. We convert him, we capture his inner mind, we reshape him. We burn all evil and all illusion out of him; we bring him over to our side, not in appearance, but genuinely, heart and soul. We make him one of ourselves before we kill him. It is intolerable to us that an erroneous thought should exist anywhere in the world, however secret and powerless it may be. Even in the instant of death we cannot permit any deviation. In the old days the heretic walked to the stake still a heretic, proclaiming his heresy, exulting in it. Even the victim of the Russian purges could carry rebellion locked up in his skull as he walked down the passage waiting for the bullet. But we make the brain perfect before we blow it out.

The command of the old despotisms was "Thou shalt not". The command of the totalitarians was "Thou shalt". Our command is "Thou art". No one whom we bring to this place ever stands out against us. Everyone is washed clean. Even those three miserable traitors in whose innocence you once believed -- Jones, Aaronson, and Rutherford -- in the end we broke them down. I took part in their interrogation myself. I saw them gradually worn down, whimpering, grovelling, weeping -- and in the end it was not with pain or fear, only with penitence. By the time we had finished with them they were only the shells of men. There was nothing left in them except sorrow for what they had done, and love of Big Brother. It was touching to see how they loved him.
They begged to be shot quickly, so that they could die while their minds were still clean.'

Author Topic: Orwell Comes to Minnesota: Forcible Removal (Read 480 times)

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