I thought this article was kind of prophetic considering Pope Paul VI 's "smoke of Satan" and also Pope Pius IX's building a cigar factory in 1863. You can't say the Good Lord did not send us tons of warning signals.
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New York Times
Theology and Tobacco.
Published: October 30, 1860
To detect the secret antagonism that exists between the eternal principles of Christianity and the evanescent smoke that curls from the good man's pipe, might puzzle an Oriental mystagogue or confound the metaphysics of AQUINAS himself. But it has been discovered in our own epoch, and is now authoritatively announced, in this, the fourth year of BUCHANAN, by the General Conference of the M.E. Church of the State of Ohio. The faith of the Ohio Church and the fumes of the Virginia weed are authentically proclaimed to be mutually destructive. The Athanasian creed and the Book of Discipline are the acids in antagonism with the alkali of the Nicotiana Tabacuм; and "full communion" is consequently henceforth incompatible with regalias, maccaboy, or fine-cut cavendish. At the session of the Conference held in Gallipolis a few weeks ago, the following action was taken upon this subject:
Whereas, The use of tobacco is a great evil, and leads to other evils, therefore,
Resolved, By the Ohio Conference, that after the present session we will not receive any person into full communion who persists in the use of tobacco.
This, of course, as everybody knows, is not the first or the hundredth time that absurd and preposterous resolutions on this topic have been adopted by ecclesiastical bodies in different parts of the country, and they might at present, perhaps, be allowed to pass unheeded along with the other impossible legislation of divines who are evidently more familiar with theological logomachies than with the common facts of life and physiology. But as tobacco-cursing, from being a chronic mode in which petty ecclesiastical courts pay their tithes of mint, anise and rue, has now been carried into the highest councils of the church, we could wish that the august conclave who enacted this excommunicatory bull, (for such must be its practical issue,) had also promulgated, for the benefit of the great smoking world, the specific grounds on which such solemn action was based -- whether this new capital sin had its roots directly in morals, or had only indirect relation thereto through physics, sociology, physiology or public economy; for of course they well knew that on all these grounds the legitimate use of the fragrant leaf is upheld by moralists, as well as economists and hygienists, quite as capable and distinguished as the gentlemen of the Ohio Conference. In a moral aspect it is affirmed that its aromatic incense soothes the perturbed spirit, and calms the passionate heart by its tranquillizing influence upon the nerves; that, socially, the pipe or cigar is the symbol and bond of friendship in this country, even as the snuff-box is in Scotland; that, financially, it is an important element of our public wealth, while the forty millions of dollars which the American people themselves annually expend upon it has created a vast and varied home industry; and now within a short time, we have a public letter from Sir BENJAMIN BRODIE, than whom there is no higher medical authority living, on the physiological effects of tobacco, in which, while generally condemning its use, he makes many exceptions in its favor, as thus:
"It allays the pains of hunger, and relieves the uneasy feelings produced by mental and bodily exhaustion. To the soldier who has passed the night in the trenches, before a beleaguered town, with only a distant prospect of breakfast when the morning has arrived; to the sailor contending with the elements in a storm; to the laborer, after a hard day's work; to the traveler, in an uncultivated region, with an insufficient supply of food, the use of a cigar or a tobacco pipe may be not only a grateful indulgence, but really beneficial. In all ages of which we have any record mankind have been in the habit of resorting to the use of certain vegetable productions, not as contributing to nourishment, but on account of their having some peculiar influence as stimulants or sedatives (or in some other way) on the nervous system. Tobacco, alcohol, the Indian hemp, the kava of the South Sea Islanders, the Paraguay tea, coffee, and even tea, belong to this category. A disposition so universal may almost be regarded as an instinct, and there is sufficient reason to believe that, within certain limits, the indulgence of the instinct is useful."
Of course, we do not wish to be understood as advocating or upholding smoking, or even maintaining that the use of tobacco is innocuous; we only desire to urge upon grave ecclesiastical bodies, in any future action they may take upon this subject, that, as the New Testament is silent upon the subject, and as the soul's salvation can hardly be imperilled by a cigar, and moreover, as there is still much to be learned in regard to the moral and physiological action of this plant, these extravagant attempts at stopping its use are, at least, of doubtful utility; and, furthermore, to suggest to them that, in this seventh decade of the nineteenth century, the undefined thunders of an ecclesiastical tribunal against pipes and cigars are more likely to evolve the spark that will fire them up, than to force or frighten any one into their discontinuance.
THE PROSPECT IN NEW-JERSEY. -- Fusion has at last produced its perfect work in New-Jersey. After steadfastly resisting for a creditable number of weeks, the overtures of the Breckinridge and Bell Committees, the Douglas party has descended from its independent isolation, and consented to enlist in the common cause of Anti-Republicanism. Three of its nominees as electors remain upon the ticket; the other four are divided between the Disunion Democrats, the National Union Party, and, strange to say, the Republicans. For if there be any truth in rumor, Mr. EDMUND BREWER, who figures as a Bell elector, is a strenuous advocate of Messrs. LINCOLN and HAMLIN; and will hardly be restrained by any fusion covenants from casting his vote for those candidates, should his colleagues upon the Straight Republican ticket fail of an opportunity to do so. This peculiarity of New-Jersey fusion, that it actually embraces all the factions in the field, is at once an edifying spectacle of brotherly concord, and a proof that union is not impossible, however irreconcilable political elements may seem.
It is also remarked that in the adjustment of this league, so much of the State as is known by the old colonial and proprietary distinction of West Jersey, has scarcely a place on the ticket. The Southern counties are in fact entirely overlooked; while from counties immediately adjoining New-York, five of the seven are selected. This disproportion can hardly fail to have an injurious effect upon the interests of the coalition. Having distributed their favors more impartially, the Republicans, of course conciliate a wider range of local partialities; and, indeed, if they do not poll a very much heavier vote in the remoter counties, the usual rules of political prognostication are of small value. But beyond this special ground of prophecy, the new league has disadvantages in common with such leagues everywhere A very important vote, heretofore attracted by personal predilections for Mr. DOUGLAS, or adherent to his principles, because of their supposed Anti-Slavery tendency, is thus alienated; and the great bulk of the foreign electors is at once either silenced or driven into the Republican ranks. The loss from these combined sources may not be serious in West Jersey; but in the districts represented by Mr. GARNET B. ADRAIN and Speaker PENNINGTON, they will exert a most salutary influence for the cause of LINCOLN; and, it is to be trusted, will return opposition members to the seats those gentlemen have so worthily occupied. The new combination, therefore, lends encouragement to the Republicans that New-Jersey is to share in the glory, of repressing ѕєdιтισn, mis-true called secession, by aiding in the election of, true conservatives.
A SLIGHT MISAPREHENSION. -- Quite a number of the Southern papers seem to laboring under the impression that Northern society is constantly on the brink of revolution. A writer in the Charleston Mercury, suggesting means of avoiding a financial crisis in the event of secession, proposes first that the Legislature authorize a suspension of specie payments, and then adds:
"And, in the event of several of the Cotton States making common cause with us, to compel the Northern cotton manufacturers to send specie to purchase their supply. This course of proceeding would soon bring an immense amount of specie into the vaults of the Southern banks, and thereby enable them to resume specie payments at an early day. The Northern manufacturer must have Cotton or Revolution, and the South surely can dictate the terms upon which that supply can be obtained."
Cotton or Revolution! We beg our Southern friends to understand that revolutions are neither so common, nor so easily excited, at the North, as they seem to suppose. Great distress may be created by a stoppage of the supplies of Cotton, or of any other commodity which enters into general consumption; -- but the last thing any body would think of as a remedy for such an evil, would be revolution. Society here is too flexible, -- there are too many varieties of employment, and too many reasons still left open when any one is cut off to permit the slightest danger of such a resort.
It will be well, moreover, for the South to bear in mind that the necessity for them to sell their Cotton, will be quite as great as for us to buy it. It is their main reliance for supplies of every kind. The Cotton States raise comparatively little Wheat, and, as a matter of economy, prefer to buy with Cotton whatever else they need. Their own cotton goods, for themselves and their slaves, are not made at home: -- they buy them of the North. If they will send us no Cotton, they can buy none of these supplies. The question is quite as broad as it is long, -- and, perhaps, a little broader.
But all this talk about changing the natural course of trade is absurd. The necessities of society are stronger than the resentment of disappointed politicians. And Cotton will grow and be sold and manufactured just as much next year as it has been this.
SECESSION AT THE SOUTH. -- We have more than once urged that the Southern States never can be brought to cooperate in a disunion movement, unless upon direct and unquestionable provocation. The moment the issue is brought up for discussion, as a practical thing, the majority will be against disunion.
We see, every day, evidence in support of this opinion, in our Southern exchanges. A recent number of the Charleston Mercury contains a letter from a gentleman in Alabama, who remonstrates against South Carolina's waiting for Alabama to join her in the movement. He says there is a great difference in the condition of the two States. In South Carolina the people are united on this question: they are all for disunion. In Alabama quite a different state of things exists. He says:
"Alabama is divided. The varieties of soil, and the want of connection between North and South Alabama, prevent us from being one homogeneous people. In the event of LINCOLN's election, Gov. MOORE will call a Convention. There will be a large party in our midst, who will, under the shallow pretext of waiting for an overt act, advocate the most abject submission. This party will be led on by able and eloquent men. In its ranks will be found TAYLOR, LANGDON, DAWSON, FORSYTH, BAKER, and, perhaps, though I think it improbable, JOHN A. WINSTON. It will combine the strength of the Douglas and Bell factions, and will also carry off from, the Breckinridge party all of the foreign vote, and a large proportion of the merchants and trading people. What will be the result of the election for delegates to the Convention, no man can tell. The advocates of resistance, are at this time undoubtedly in the majority, but will they be able to control the State on the first day of next January."
This certainly exhibits a strong array of opponents to the Disunion movement. If the feeling now, -- in advance of the election and when all parties are equally desirous to secure the defeat of LINCOLN, is so strong against Disunion, it is plain that it will be much stronger after that political motive for its suppression shall have been removed. And what is true of Alabama, is true of every other Southern State -- South Carolina not excepted.
A CURIOUS SCRUPLE OF CONSCIENCE. -- It is already known that Senator HAMMOND has already authorized the announcement that he is a candidate for reelection to the United States Senate. This has generally been considered evidence that he did not anticipate the immediate dissolution of the Union, or he would scarcely care to go to Washington after that event.
It seems that Governor GIST has been named as his competitor, -- whereupon he addressed the following letter to the Charleston Mercury;
To the Editor of the Charleston Mercury:
Some partial friend, over the signature of "A Citizen," in the Mercury of the 17th inst., having nominated me for United States Senator, "if no dissolution of this Union should take place upon the election of LINCOLN to the Presidency," on the next day another writer, over the signature of "Many Citizens," insists upon the reelection of Senator HAMMOND. To remove all difficulty and silence discussion on the subject, I have no hesitation in saying that I would not serve, if elected Senator, in the contingency alluded to; because I could not truly and properly represent a State that submits to Black Republican rule; and all apprehensions of rivalry with any one may, therefore, be dismissed. WM.H. GIST.
This nice distinction presents a curious quandary. Gov. GIST will not serve if dissolution does not take place; -- pray what will he do if it does? Does he suppose that South Carolina will still have use for Federal Senators in that contingency? We suspect the Governor had a much more substantial reason than this for declining to be a candidate. There are already so many candidates in the field, that his chance of success would scarcely encourage him to become a competitor. Senator HAMMOND is a strong man, and opposed to secession, except in concert with the whole South. Ex-Speaker ORR is a candidate and supports secession when Georgia Alabama and Mississippi will join the movement. Col. KEITT a candidate and intends to secede "solitary and alone." With such a crowd of aspirants for a place soon to be blotted out forever, Gov. GIST maybe excused for not wishing to enter the race.