Read the entire thread. The point is that nαzιs hated the Catholic Church.

BS. Prove it. I can prove the exact opposite. 

Was he "Orthodox" when he supported his election and the helping of the NSDAP's rise to power?

Pope Pius XI didn't support the NSDAP. The people who supported them were the Protestant people of Germany.

Wow, did I hear you right?!  After 17 years of exposure are you actually going on record here to claim that 9-11 was carried out by Islamic terrorists?!

No, I'm just saying how Poche regurgitating MBS and Rudy Giuliani regurgitating the "I was mayor during 9/11" are the exact same; vomiting out the same series of words whenever convenient.

Pope Pius XI didn't support the NSDAP. The people who supported them were the Protestant people of Germany.

Do you have some reference that Pius XI opposed Hitler's appointment as Chancellor on 30 January 1933?
How about a reference against the NSDAP when they went from 12 to 107 seats in the Reichstag in the 1930 German federal election?
Or the majority of seats in both elections in 1932?

https://www.cathinfo.com/fighting-errors-in-the-modern-world/nαzι-ideology/msg614700/#msg614700


Is there any other pre-Vatican II encyclical you equate to the level of the New Mass?

Can't think of any - but if there was one could surely reject it if one rejects the New Mass...

Can't think of any - but if there was one could surely reject it if one rejects the New Mass...

If you reject the pre Vatican II docuмents then how can you call yourself Catholic?

Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition (p. 548-549). Ostara Publications. Kindle Edition.

Volume 2, Chapter 14

. . . an alliance which is not for the purpose of waging war has no meaning and no value. The object of forming an alliance is to wage war.

(. . .)

It must not be forgotten that the international Jew, who is to-day absolute master in Russia, does not look upon Germany as an ally, but as a State condemned to the same doom as Russia itself.

One does not form an alliance with a partner whose only aim is the destruction of his co-partner.

Above all, one does not enter into alliances with people to whom no treaty is sacred, because they do not exist as the upholders of truth and honour, but as the protagonists of lying and deception, thievery, plunder and robbery.

What Hitler Wants

https://archive.org/details/LorimerE.O.WhatHitlerWants1939

CHAPTER II

THE PRINCIPLE OF THE BIG LIE

During his life in Vienna Hitler suffered under Trade Union pressure, and began to study the skill with which Communists and Social Democrats exploited the workers’ discontent for their own ends. He saw them as masters of the art of propaganda, and he set to work to study the principles of this art for himself— perhaps with a premonition that he would one day be able to turn these principles to good account.

The first conclusion he came to was that all great movements, whether religious or political, whether good or evil, derive their momentum from" the magic power of the spoken word ” reinforced by the Mass Demonstration.

Next in importance was the power of the popular press, the adult’s continuation school supplemented by poster, picture, and film. Thirdly, but of less significance, the more high-brow printed word of book, pamphlet, and better-class newspaper, which appeal to the educated strata of the population.

He debated the questions: Can spiritual ideas be eradicated by the sword? Can violence combat a philosophy of life ? He concluded that the answer to both questions was in the negative: force alone could never destroy an idea. Violence was necessary, but it must be backed by a new and inspiring thought, and he attributed the failure of Bismarck’s efforts to defeat Socialism to the fact that he offered no alternative doctrine.

Hitler’s later experience brought him face to face with war propaganda, and he was filled with reluctant admiration for the skill with which Germany’s enemies conducted it. “ While we fought for bread, England fought for ‘ Freedom,’ and not even for her own freedom, but for the freedom of the little nations ” (168 ). Hitler naturally gives England no credit for having been sincere, but a great deal for the brilliant hypocrisy of so stirring a slogan.

Despite his appreciation of the real injustices under which the workers laboured, Hitler has a low opinion of “ the masses,” to whom in various contexts he applies many opprobrious terms. They are “ an empty-headed herd of sheep ” (9) and the incarnation of stupidity. Their receptiveness is very limited, then- understanding is negligible (198 ).

Nevertheless, it is to the masses that propaganda must be addressed. It must not aim at instruction; the less it is weighted with fact or information the better, for at all costs it must avoid the risk of being above the heads of the hearers. It must work always and wholly on the emotions.

No amount of skill in concocting propaganda is of any use if the basic principle is forgotten, viz. that its subject-matter must be severely restricted and the content must be repeated over and over again. The presentation may be infinitely varied, but the theme must be always the same; the one refrain must eternally recur. The results which can be achieved by this procedure are simply incalculable (203). ‘‘The skillful and unremitting use of propaganda can persuade people to believe that Heaven is Hell or conversely that the most miserable existence is Paradise ” (302).

Similar calculations yielded the axiom that hate must be worked up against one enemy only, lest it lose force by dispersion. There may, in fact, be many enemies to combat, and they may have little relation to each other, or none; but the wise propagandist will succeed in making them all “ appear to belong to one category ” (129). This explains why, in Hitler’s mouth, the “ international Jew,” the Communist, the Pacifist, the Democrat, the Liberal, the Revolutionary, and the Parliamentarian are equated with such entire absence of logic; one and all are "the Enemy.”

Hitler is proud of his readiness to learn from his enemies, of having stolen the technique of propaganda, first from the Social Democrats and Marxists of Vienna, then from the Allies. He claims further to have learned from the Jews “ the very sound principle ” that “ a definite factor in getting a lie believed is the size of the lie . . . for the broad mass of the people in the primitive simplicity of its heart more readily falls victim to a big lie than to a small one ” (252).

Acting on this last principle, Hitler has created the legend of the War; that an innocent and reluctant Germany was dragged into it by her fatal loyalty and chivalry to her worthless ally Austria, that the German armies were victorious all the time, and all along the line, and were stabbed in the back by a conspiracy of Jews, Pacifists, etc., and all the rest of the contemporary German legend, so big a lie so untiringly reiterated— to infants in the kindergarten in words of one syllable and to the mass of the nation on every occasion—that the sheer bigness of the untruth has had the hoped-for effect on “ the primitive simplicity ” of the German mind. Indeed, it is more than probable that by force of iteration Hitler has hypnotised himself into believing it. How long, the unhypnotised observer asks himself, will it be after Hitler and his regime have passed away before the German mind can be decontaminated ? How long before another Ranke will arise in Germany to write “ true history which deals with things as they actually were,” before the German ear is again attuned to hear the voice of Goethe: “There is no Wisdom save in Truth”?

The doctrine of the big lie enables Hitler unblushingly to state, in his Reichstag Speech of May 1935 (for foreign consumption):  ‘ We are prepared to do everything to arrive at a true peace and a real friendship with the French nation,” while he continues to present to every newly-wedded couple in Germany free copies of Mein Kampf (the price of which is covered by an enhanced marriage-fee), in which he still shouts in 1938 that “ France is the deadly enemy of our nation ” (755), that the prerequisite for every success is “ to concentrate all our will-power and all our physical force on a thrust into the heart of our most infamous foe ” (718 ).

The same Reichstag speech assures the world that “ the present German Government has no other wish than to live on peaceable and friendly terms with all neighbouring States . . . not only the larger States, but also the surrounding smaller States,” while Mein Kampf continues to state for home consumption that “ Germany sees in the annihilation of France only a means to an end, so that we may thereafter give our people room for expansion in another direction ” (767), and that room for 250 million Germans must be found at the expense of Russia and the small countries on her borders.

The same big-lie principle enabled Hitler to reaffirm, in his Reichstag speech of February 20, 1938, the accord with Austria of July 11, 1936, by which the Reich Government recognised the full and independent sovereignty of the Austrian Federal State, while he was perfecting, or had already perfected, the elaborate and minute preparations for the sudden and overwhelming invasion of Austria on March 12, 1938.

The News Chronicle (September 28,1938 ) has tabulated some facts which Parliament would do well to digest:

May 17, 1933.—“ Germany will tread no other path than that laid down by the treaties. The German Government will discuss all political and economic questions only within the framework and through the treaties. The German people have no thought of invading any country.”— Reichstag speech of Herr Hitler, the new Chancellor.

October 14, 1933.— Germany left the League and the Disarmament Conference just when Sir John Simon was making a statement at Geneva aimed at achieving a compromise between the French and German views on disarmament.

October 14, 1933.—“ When the Saar territory has been restored to Germany, only a madman would consider the possibility of war between the two States (France and Germany). No one could demand that millions of men should be annihilated for the sake of a readjustment of our present frontier.”— Speech on radio.

November 10,1933.—“ When has the German people ever broken its word ? ”— Speech in Berlin.

January 30, 1934.—“ After this question [the Saar] has been settled, the German Government is ready to accept, not only the letter, but also the spirit of the Locarno Pact.”— Speech in Reichstag. March 13, 1934.—“ The German Government have never questioned the validity of the Treaty of Locarno.” —Note to France.

March 19, 1934.—“ German boundaries have always changed. They will continue to change until all German peoples arc united in one."—Speech at Munich.

February 3, 1935.—Britain and France invited Germany to co-operate in “a general settlement” which would, among other things, free Germany from the one-sided military restrictions of Versailles. Hitler, insisting on separate, private talks, instead of an open conference, invited Sir John Simon to Berlin. March 7 was the appointed day.

March 5, 1935.—Invitation to Sir John Simon suspended because Hitler had caught a cold.

March 10, 1935. —General Goring announced the existence of a German Air Force (forbidden by the Peace Treaty).

March 16, 1935.—Hitler decreed Conscription (forbidden by the Peace Treaty). March 20, 1935.—Hitler’s cold was pronounced better, and the invitation to Sir John Simon was renewed, and accepted.

May 21, 1935.—“The German Government will scrupulously observe every treaty voluntarily concluded. In particular, they will hold to and fulfill all obligations arising out of the Treaty of Locarno, so long as the other partners are ready to stand by that treaty.” —Reichstag speech. “ Germany neither intends nor wishes to interfere in the internal affairs of Austria, to annex Austria, or to conclude an Anschluss.”— Same speech.

March 7, 1936.— Germany denounced the Treaty of Locarno and reoccupied the demilitarised Rhineland zone.

March 7, 1936.—“ Germany will never break the peace of Europe. After three years, I can regard the struggle for German equality as concluded to-day. We have no territorial demands to make in Europe.”— Reichstag speech. April 1, 1936.—Germany submitted a “ Peace Plan,” including a “ Twenty-five Year Pact of Non-Aggression.”

May 7, 1936.—Britain sent a questionnaire to Germany on the “ Peace Plan.” To this questionnaire Germany has never replied.

August 27, 1936.—Germany adhered to the Spanish Non-Intervention Agreement.

August 30, 1936.— Twenty-eight German 'planes arrived at Cadiz {to be followed by many more).

January 30, 1937.—“ The period of so-called surprises is now over. . . . Peace is our dearest treasure.” —Reichstag speech.

February 12, 1938.—In the agreement reached with Dr. Schuschnigg at Berchtesgaden, Hitler reaffirmed his recognition of Austrian sovereignty, already expressed in the Austro-German Agreement of July 1936. March 11, 1938.— Germany annexed Austria.

March 14, 1938.—Mr. Chamberlain told the House of Commons that Germany had given assurances that she had no hostile intentions against Czechoslovakia. (Goring gave the Czech Minister in Berlin his “word of honour” on this.)

September 24, 1938.— Germany sent her seven-day ultimatum to Czechoslovakia.

September 26, 1938.—“ And now the last problem which must be solved confronts us. It is the last territorial claim which I have to make in Europe, but it is one I will not renounce.”— Speech in Berlin.

Working the Big Lie, and completely controlling press and publishing, wireless and cinema and every branch of publicity, Hitler has deliberately evoked in the German people that “fanaticism and compelling hysteria ” (above, p. 23) that were necessary to compass his ends. For five years the “ empty-headed herd of sheep,” of whom he has made himself the Leader, has been convinced that the world had formed a sinister conspiracy to encircle and annihilate them. They have brought themselves a willing sacrifice to an unprecedented bondage. Every shred of personal freedom has been laid on the altar of the nαzι state (see below, Chapter XI) in the service of Hitler’s hatred of Freedom, especially the freedom of democratic states like Czechoslovakia, France, and Britain. And verily the Germans are reaping their reward. Czechoslovakia is gone. With the wealth, resources, and man-power of the Danube and the Balkans at Hitler’s command, the annihilation of France seems within sight. Hitler may well calculate that a complacent British Cabinet will offer him France on a golden platter and set him free to devote his undivided attention to the enslavement of Britain and the dismemberment of the British Empire.