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Racial superiority  √

War  √

Evolutionist  √

Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition (pp. 239-242). Ostara Publications. Kindle Edition.

CHAPTER XI: NATION AND RACE

continued


This surrounding world then grows perverse and will not believe that what had seemed so like itself is really of that different quality so suddenly displayed. This is a process which is repeated probably every time a man of outstanding significance appears. Though an inventor, for example, does not establish his fame until the very day on which he completes his invention, it would be a mistake to believe that the creative genius did not become alive in him until that moment. From the very hour of his birth the spark of genius is alive within the man who has been endowed with the real creative faculty. True genius is an innate quality. It can never be the result of education or training. As I have stated already, this holds good not merely of the individual, but also of the race. Those peoples who manifest creative ability in certain periods of their history have always been fundamentally creative. It belongs to their very nature, even though this fact may escape the eyes of the superficial observer.  Here also, recognition from outside is only the consequence of practical achievement. Since the rest of the world is incapable of recognising genius as such, it can only see the visible manifestations of genius in the form of inventions, discoveries, buildings, painting, etc., but even here a long time passes before recognition is given. Just as the individual person who has been endowed with the gift of genius, or at least talent of a very high order, cannot develop that gift to the full, until he comes under the urge of special circuмstances, so in the life of the nations their creative capacities and powers frequently have to wait until certain conditions stimulate them to action. The most obvious example of this truth is furnished by that race which has been, and still is, the champion of human progress; I mean the Aryan race.

As soon as Fate brings them face to face with special circuмstances their powers begin to develop progressively and to be manifested in tangible form. The characteristic cultures which they create in such circuмstances are almost always conditioned by the soil, the climate and the people they subjugate. The last factor—that of the character of the people—is the most decisive one. The more primitive the technical condition under which the civilizing process takes place, the more necessary the existence of manual labour which can be organised and employed so as to take the place of mechanical power. Had it not been possible for them to employ members of the inferior race which they conquered, the Aryans would never have been in a position to take the first steps on the road which led them to their culture of a later era; just as, without the help of certain suitable animals, which they were able to tame, they would never have come to the invention of mechanical power, which has subsequently enabled them to do without these animals. The remark that the Moor, having done his duty, could now go, can, unfortunately, be applied more or less universally.


For thousands of years the horse has been the faithful servant of man and has helped him to lay the foundations of human progress; but now, motor power has rendered the horse superfluous. In a few years’ time the use of the horse will cease entirely; and yet without its collaboration man could scarcely have reached the stage of development at which he now is. For the establishment of superior types of civilisation the members of inferior races formed one of the most essential prerequisites. They alone could supply the lack of mechanical means, without which no progress is possible.

It is certain that the first stages of human civilisation were not based so much on the use of tame animals as on the employment of human beings who were members of an inferior race. Only after subjugated races were employed as slaves was a similar fate allotted to animals, and not vice versa, as some people would have us believe. At first it was the conquered enemy who had to draw the plough and only afterwards did the ox and horse take his place. Nobody but puling pacifists can consider this fact a sign of human degradation. Such people fail to recognise that this evolution had to take place in order that man might reach that degree of civilisation which these apostles now exploit in an attempt to make the world pay attention to their rigmarole.


The progress of mankind may be compared to the process of ascending an infinite ladder. One does not reach the higher level without first having climbed the lower rungs. The Aryan, therefore, had to take that road which his sense of reality pointed out to him, and not that of which the modern pacifist dreams. The path of reality is, however, difficult and hard to tread; yet it is the only one which finally leads to the goal where the others envisage mankind in their dreams. The real truth is that those dreamers help to lead man away from his goal rather than towards it. It was not by mere chance that the first forms of civilisation arose where the Aryan came into contact with inferior races, subjugated them and forced them to obey his command. The members of the inferior race became the first mechanical tools in the service of a growing civilisation. Thereby the way was clearly indicated which the Aryan had to follow.


As a conqueror, he subjugated inferior races and turned their physical powers into organised channels under his own leadership, forcing them to follow his will and purpose. By imposing on them a useful, though hard, manner of employing their powers, he not only spared the lives of those whom he had conquered, but probably made their lives easier than they had been in the former state of so-called ‘freedom.’ While he ruthlessly maintained his, position as their master, he not only remained master, but he also preserved and advanced civilisation, for this depended exclusively on his inborn abilities and, therefore, on the preservation of the Aryan race as such.


As soon, however, as his subjects began to rise and approach the level of their conqueror, a phase of which ascension was probably the use of his language, the barriers that had distinguished master from servant broke down. The Aryan neglected to maintain his own racial stock unmixed and thereby lost the right to live in the paradise which he himself had created. He became submerged in the racial mixture and gradually lost his cultural creativeness, until he finally grew, not only mentally but also physically, more like the aborigines whom he had subjected, rather than his own ancestors. For some time he could continue to live on the capital of that culture which still remained; but a condition of fossilisation soon set in and he sank into oblivion.


That is how cultures and empires decline and yield their places to new structures.

The adulteration of the blood and racial deterioration conditioned thereby are the only causes that account for the decline of ancient civilisations, for it is never by war that nations are ruined, but by the loss of their powers of resistance, which are exclusively a characteristic of pure racial blood.



In this world everything that is not of sound racial stock is like chaff.



Every historical event in the world is nothing more nor less than a manifestation of the instinct of racial self-preservation, whether for weal or woe.

Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition (pp. 94-95). Ostara Publications. Kindle Edition.

CHAPTER III: VIENNA DAYS—GENERAL REFLECTIONS

(. . .)

Political parties have no right to meddle in religious questions except when these relate to something that is alien to the nation and thus calculated to undermine racial customs and morals. In the same way, religion must not be mixed up with party politics. If some ecclesiastical dignitaries should misuse religious institutions or religious teachings to injure their own ration, their opponents ought never to take the same road and fight them with the same weapons. To a political leader, the religious teachings and institutions of his people should be sacred and inviolable; otherwise, he should not be a statesman, but a reformer, if he has the necessary qualities for such a mission. Any other line of conduct will lead to disaster, especially in Germany.


In studying the Pan-German movement and its conflict with Rome I was firmly persuaded, then and especially in later years, that by their failure to understand the importance of the social problem, the Pan-Germanists lost the support of the broad masses, who are the indispensable combatants in such a movement. By entering parliament the Pan-German leaders deprived themselves of their clan, and at the same time burdened themselves with all the defects of the parliamentary institution. Their struggle against the Catholic Church made their position impossible in numerous circles among the lower and middle classes, while at the same time it robbed them of innumerable high-class elements some of the best indeed that the nation possessed. The practical outcome of the Austrian Kulturkamp was negative.


Although they succeeded in wresting one hundred thousand members from the Church, that did not do much harm to the latter. The Church did not need to shed tears over these lost sheep, for it lost only those who had for a long time ceased to belong to it in their inner hearts. The difference between this new reformation and the great Reformation was that, at that time, some of the best members left the Church because of religious convictions, whereas in this new reformation only those left who had been indifferent before and who were now influenced by political considerations. From the political point of view alone, the result was a ridiculous as it was deplorable. Once again a political movement which had promised so much for the German nation collapsed, because it was not conducted in a spirit of unflinching adherence to naked reality, but lost itself in spheres in which it was bound to be broken up. The Pan-German movement would never have made this mistake if it had properly understood the psyche of the broad masses. If the leaders had known that, for psychological reasons alone, it is not expedient to place two or more adversaries before the masses—since that leads to a complete splitting up of their fighting strength—they would have concentrated the full and undivided force of their attack against a single adversary.

Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition (p. 123). Ostara Publications. Kindle Edition.

CHAPTER IV: MUNICH

(. . .)

Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition (p. 103). Ostara Publications. Kindle Edition. One of the most ingenious tricks ever devised has been that of sailing the Jєωιѕн ship of state under the flag of religion and thus securing that tolerance which Aryans are always ready to grant to different religious faiths. The Mosaic Law is really nothing else than the doctrine of the preservation of the Jєωιѕн race and, therefore, includes all spheres of sociological, political and economic science which have a bearing on the main end in view.

Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition (pp. 217-218.) Ostara Publications. Kindle Edition.

CHAPTER X: THE COLLAPSE OF THE SECOND REICH

(. . .)

The great masses of a nation are not composed of philosophers. For the masses of the people especially, faith is absolutely the only basis of a moral Weltanschauung. The various substitutes that have been offered have not shown any results that might warrant us in thinking that they might usefully replace the existing denominations, but if religious teaching and religious faith are to be accepted by the broad masses as active forces in their lives, then the absolute authority of the doctrines of faith must be the foundation of all reality. There may be a few hundreds of thousands of superior men who can live wisely and intelligently without depending on the general standards that prevail in everyday life, but the millions of others cannot do so. Now, the place which general custom fills in everyday life, corresponds to that of general laws in the State and dogma in religion.

The purely spiritual idea is of itself a changeable thing that may be subjected to endless interpretations. It is only through dogma that it is given a precise and concrete form without which it could not become a living faith. Otherwise, the spiritual idea would never become anything more than a mere metaphysical concept, or rather a philosophical opinion. Accordingly, the attack on dogma is comparable to an attack on the general laws on which the State is founded, and so this attack would finally lead to complete political anarchy if it were successful, just as the attack on religion would lead to a worthless religious nihilism.

The political leader should not estimate the worth of a religion by taking some of its shortcomings into account, but should ask himself whether there be any practical substitute which is obviously better. Until such a substitute is available only fools and criminals would think of abolishing the existing religion. Undoubtedly, no small amount of blame for the present unsatisfactory religious situation must be attributed to those who have encuмbered the ideal of religion with purely material accessories and have thus given rise to an utterly futile conflict between religion and science. In this conflict, victory will nearly always be on the side of science, although after a bitter struggle, while religion will suffer heavily in the eyes of those who cannot penetrate beneath mere superficial learning.

Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition (pp. 382-383). Ostara Publications. Kindle Edition.

CHAPTER V: WELTANSCHAUUNG AND ORGANISATION

(. . .)

If the idea of the völkisch State, which is at present an obscure ideal, is one day to attain a clear and definite success, from its vague and vast mass of thought it will have to put forward certain definite principles which of their very nature and content are calculated to attract a broad mass of adherents. In other words, such a group of people as can guarantee that these principles will be fought for. That group of people is the German working-class. That is why the programme of the new Movement was condensed into a few fundamental postulates, twenty-five in all. They are meant first of all to give the ordinary man a rough idea of what the Movement is aiming at. They are, so to speak, a profession of faith which, on the one hand, is meant to win adherents for the Movement and, on the other, they are meant to unite such adherents together in a covenant to which all have subscribed.


In this connection we must never lose sight of the following fact: What we call the programme of the Movement is absolutely right as far as its ultimate aims are concerned, but as regards the manner in which that programme is formulated certain psychological considerations had to be taken into account. Hence, in the course of time, the opinion may well arise that certain principles should be expressed differently and might be better formulated, but any attempt at a different formulation has a fatal effect in most cases, for something that ought to be fixed and unshakable thereby becomes the subject of discussion. As soon as one single point is removed from the sphere of dogmatic certainly, the discussion will not simply result in a new and better formulation which will have greater consistency, but may easily lead to endless debates and general confusion. In such cases, the question must always be carefully considered as to whether a new and more adequate formulation is to be preferred, though it may cause a controversy within the Movement, or whether it may not be better to retain the old formula which, though probably not the best, represents an organism enclosed in itself, solid and internally homogeneous. Every test shows that the second of these alternatives is preferable, for, since in these changes one is dealing only with external forms, such corrections will always appear desirable and possible, but the deciding factor is that people in general think superficially, and therefore the great danger is that in what is merely an external formulation of the programme people will see an essential aim of the movement. In that way the will and the combative force at the service of the ideal are weakened and the energies that ought to be directed towards the outer world are dissipated in programmatic discussions within the ranks of the Movement.


For a doctrine that is actually right in its main features it is less dangerous to retain a formulation which may no longer be quite adequate, instead of trying to improve it and thereby allowing a fundamental principle of the Movement, which had hitherto been considered as solid as granite, to become the subject of a general discussion which may have unfortunate consequences. This is particularly to be avoided as long as a Movement is still fighting for victory, for would it be possible to inspire people with blind faith in the truth of a doctrine if doubt and uncertainty are encouraged by continual alterations in its external formulation? The essentials of a doctrine must never be looked for in its external formulas, but always in its inner meaning, and this is unchangeable. One could only wish that for the sake of this inner meaning a movement could exclude everything that tends towards disintegration and uncertainty in order to preserve the unified force that is necessary for its triumph.

Here again the Catholic Church has a lesson to teach us. Though sometimes, and often quite unnecessarily, its dogmatic system is in conflict with the exact sciences and with scientific discoveries, it is not disposed to sacrifice one syllable of its teachings. It has rightly recognised that its powers of resistance would be weakened by introducing greater or lesser doctrinal adaptations to cope with temporary scientific discoveries, which are in reality always vacillating, but that they gain strength from the fact that it holds fast to its fixed and established dogmas which alone can give to the whole system the character of a faith. That is the reason why it stands firmer to-day than ever before. We may prophesy that, as a fixed star amid fleeting phenomena, it will continue to attract increasing numbers of people who will be the more blindly attached to it the more rapid the rhythm of changing phenomena around it. Therefore, whoever really and seriously desires that the völkisch Weltanschauung should triumph must realise that this triumph can be assured only through a militant movement and that this movement must found its strength only on the granite firmness of an impregnable and well-defined programme.