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Traditional Catholic Faith => Fighting Errors in the Modern World => Topic started by: LongHaired CountryBoy on March 11, 2019, 06:28:42 AM

Title: Jєω Historians Celebrate Jєω Role in Mass Murder of Russians by Bolsheviks
Post by: LongHaired CountryBoy on March 11, 2019, 06:28:42 AM
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1983 Book by Jєωιѕн Historians Celebrates Jєωιѕн Role in Mass Murder of Russians Under Bolshevism

"Trotsky was feted by Jєωs worldwide as “an avenger of Jєωιѕн humiliations under Tsarism, bringing fire and slaughter to their worst enemies.”[A16] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A16)"

Alain Brossat and Sylvie Klingberg’s Revolutionary Yiddishland: A History of Jєωιѕн Radicalism (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/swykmzo/smno/p2/Revolutionary-Yiddishland-History-Jєωιѕн-Radicalism-ebook/dp/B01M01ZXVA/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1512015929&sr=8-1&keywords=yiddishland) was first published in France in 1983. A revised edition appeared in 2009 and an English translation in 2016. Intended for a mainly Jєωιѕн readership, the book is essentially an apologia for Jєωιѕн communist militants in Eastern Europe in the early to mid-twentieth century.
Brossat, a Jєωιѕн lecturer in philosophy at the University of Paris, and Klingberg, an Israeli sociologist, interviewed dozens of former revolutionaries living in Israel in the early 1980s. In their testimony they recalled “the great scenes” of their lives such as “the Russian cινιℓ ωαr, the building of the USSR, resistance in the camps, the war in Spain, the armed struggle against nαzιsm, and the formation of socialist states in Eastern Europe.”[A1] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A1)
(http://russia-insider.com/sites/insider/files/styles/1200xauto/public/304d4c92dcb99fa18092156af8b28e4b_w640_h380.jpg?itok=Vj2WmtJ7) Leon Trotsky, the most famous butcher of then all
While each followed different paths, “the constancy of these militants’ commitment was remarkable, as was the firmness of the ideas and aspirations that underlay it.” Between the two world wars, communist militancy was “the center of gravity of their lives.”[A2] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A2)
While communism in Europe in the early- to mid-twentieth century was characterized by economic dysfunction, systematic oppression, summary executions, and the elimination of entire ethnic groups, Brossat and Klingberg wistfully recall it as a time when European Jєωry “failed to achieve its hopes, its utopias, its political programs and strategies.”
Instead, the messianic dreams of radical Jєωs were “broken on the rocks of twentieth-century European history.” A product of their ethnocentric infatuation with the “romance” of Jєωιѕн involvement in radical political movements, Revolutionary Yiddishland is Brossat and Klingberg’s hagiographic attempt to resurrect a history that is today “more than lost, being actually denied, even unpronounceable.”
The unstated reason for this omission lies in the determination of Jєωs to absolve their co-ethnics of any responsibility for the crimes of communism, and to ensure the advent of German National Socialism is always framed in a way that conduces to a simplified narrative of saintly Jєωιѕн victimhood and German (and by extension White European) malevolence.
(http://russia-insider.com/sites/insider/files/styles/1200xauto/public/qlzwzRQ.jpg?itok=di5P-ECq) A famous cινιℓ ωαr poster which showed what the Tsarist forces believed about Trotsky
Maintaining this narrative is supremely important for the legions of Jєωιѕн “diversity” activists and propagandists throughout the West, given the status of “the h0Ɩ0cαųst” as the moral and rhetorical foundation of today’s White displacement agenda. Invocation of this narrative is reflexively used to stifle opposition to the Jєωιѕн diaspora strategies of mass non-White immigration and multiculturalism.
By contrast, free discussion of the Jєωιѕн role in communist crimes undermines Jєωιѕн pretentions to moral authority grounded in their self-designated status as history’s preeminent victims. This polarity accounts for the fact that, since 1945, over 150 feature films (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/slxv/sjsoqcwzyn/sgy/p2/wiki/List_of_h0Ɩ0cαųst_films) have been made about “the h0Ɩ0cαųst” while the number of films that have been made about the genocide of millions of Eastern Europeans can be counted on one hand — and none have been produced by Hollywood.
The critical importance of suppressing discussion of this unsavory aspect of Jєωιѕн history was underscored by Daniel Jonah Goldhagen in his 2013 screed The Devil That Never Dies: The Rise of Global Antisemitism (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/swykmzo/smno/p2/Devil-That-Never-Dies-Antisemitism/dp/0316097861/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1514887745&sr=8-1&keywords=the+devil+that+never+dies+goldhagen) (reviewed here (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/syku/saogdrgqecsmhzzfabofjw/sbcd/p1/2015/06/19/a-review-of-the-devil-that-never-dies-by-daniel-jonah-goldhagen-part-1/)). For Goldhagen, any claim Jєωs were responsible for the Bolshevik Revolution and its predations is a “calumny,” and morally reprehensible because “If you associate Jєωs with communism, or worse, hold communism to be a Jєωιѕн invention and weapon, every time the theme, let alone the threat, of communism, Marxism, revolution, or the Soviet Union comes up, it also conjures, reinforces, even deepens thinking prejudicially about Jєωs and the animus against Jєωs in one’s country.”[A3] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A3)
(http://russia-insider.com/sites/insider/files/styles/1200xauto/public/a1_3.jpg?itok=sywcKCIB)
It is therefore imperative the topic remain taboo and discussion of it suppressed — regardless of how many historians (Jєωιѕн and non-Jєωιѕн) confirm the decisive role Jєωs played in providing the ideological basis for, and the establishment, governance and administration of, the former communist dictatorships of Central and Eastern Europe.
In a recent article (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/slxv/sjdu/sjkl/p2/2017/11/06/news-opinion/world/what-was-the-Jєωιѕн-role-in-1917-russian-revolution-moscow-museum-gives-a-full-picture) for the Jєωιѕн Telegraphic Agency, journalist Cnaan Liphshiz, while noting that the Goldhagen approach of absolute denial constitutes “a logical strategy” for Jєωs, admits the facts do “reaffirm in essence” the assessment of those like “promoter of h0Ɩ0cαųst denial” Mark Weber who observed that: “Although officially Jєωs have never made up more than five percent of the country’s total population, they played a highly disproportionate and probably decisive role in the infant Bolshevik regime.”
Liphshiz notes how Russia’s main Jєωιѕн museum has, since 2012, “tackled head on the subject of revolutionary Jєωs” in an exhibition that “underlines unapologetically how and why Jєωs became central to the revolution.” Knowing that outright denial of the pivotal Jєωιѕн role in the Bolshevik revolution and the murderous regimes it spawned is intellectually untenable, a growing number of Jєωιѕн historians concede the point, but insist this leading role was morally justified because it was essentially “defensive” in nature.
Thus, while freely admitting Jєωs had “an outsized role in the revolution,” Boruch Gorin, chairman of Moscow’s Jєωιѕн Museum and Tolerance Center, insists that “there were very good reasons for this,” with “anti-Semitism” being foremost among them. For Gorin, the revolution, while offering “Russia’s Jєωs many opportunities, equal rights and education and a chance to fill the vacuum left by the elite that was forced into exile,” most importantly offered a haven from a “wave of pogroms” in the Ukraine and elsewhere that “some historians call a dress rehearsal for the h0Ɩ0cαųst.” According to this conception, a Jєω in 1917 “had two choices: revolution or exile.”
Andrew Joyce has explored (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/syku/saogdrgqecsmhzzfabofjw/sbcd/p1/2012/05/08/revisiting-the-19th-century-russian-pogroms-part-1-russias-Jєωιѕн-question/) how Jєωιѕн historians and activists have distorted and weaponized the history of “pogroms” in the former Russian Empire. The mythos forged around these events, crystallized in the Russo-Jєωιѕн Committee’s propaganda pamphlet The Persecution of the Jєωs in Russia (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/slxv/snfttpfp/p2/stream/persecutionofJєω00lond/persecutionofJєω00lond_djvu.txt) (1881) and reporting in Jєωιѕн-controlled newspapers throughout the West, was pivotal in accelerating the development of modern, international Jєωιѕн politics.
This narrative revolves around certain claims: that Jєωs were oppressed for centuries in Russia; that the Pale of Settlement was a virtual prison; that tsarist authorities actively organized and directed pogroms; that pogroms were genocidal and extremely violent in nature; and that Russians were uncivilized and barbaric savages. Contemporary Jєωιѕн historians like Simon Sebag Montefiore continue to credit lurid tales of pogroms where Jєωs were “massacred in such gleefully ingenious atrocities — disemboweled, dismembered, decapitated; children were cutleted, roasted and eaten in front of raped mothers.”[A4] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A4) Joyce notes how the dissemination of such pornographic accounts were key to ensuring “that mass Jєωιѕн chain migration to the West went on untroubled and unhindered by nativists. After all, wasn’t the bigoted nativist just a step removed from the rampaging Cossack?”
Uncritically drawing on this bogus narrative, establishment historians typically ascribe the pogroms to irrational manifestations of hate against Jєωs, tsarist malevolence, the pathological jealousy and primitive barbarity of the Russian mob, and the “blood libel.” The real underlying causes of peasant uprisings against Jєωs, such as the Jєωιѕн monopolization of entire industries (including the sale of liquor to peasants on credit), predatory moneylending, and radical political agitation, are completely ignored, despite tsarist authorities having repeatedly expressed alarm over how “Jєωs were exploiting the unsophisticated and ignorant rural inhabitants, reducing them to a Jєωιѕн serfdom.”[A5] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A5)
Initiatives to move Jєωs into less socially damaging economic niches, through extending educational opportunities and drafting Jєωs into the army, were ineffective in altering this basic pattern. With this in mind, even the revolutionary anarchist Mikhail Bakunin concluded that Jєωs were “an exploiting sect, a blood-sucking people, a unique, devouring parasite tightly and intimately organized … cutting across all the differences in political opinion.”[A6] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A6)
In Revolutionary Yiddishland, Brossat and Klingberg posit the “Jєωιѕн Bolshevism as morally justified ethnic self-defense” thesis, insisting that “anti-Semitism” was “an insidious poison hovering in the air of the time” that comprised “the sinister background music to the action of the Yiddishland revolutionaries.”[A7] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A7) The real causes of anti-Jєωιѕн sentiment among the native peasantry are, once again, comprehensively ignored.
Rather than seeing Jєωιѕн communist militants as willing agents of ethnically-motivated oppression and mass murder, the authors depict them as noble victims who tragically “linked their fate to the grand narrative of working-class emancipation, fraternity between peoples, socialist egalitarianism” rather than to “a Jєωιѕн state solidly established on its ethnic foundations, territorial conquests and realpolitik alliances.”[A8] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A8) In other words, they mistakenly held communism rather than Zionism to be best for the Jєωs.
Determined to absolve their co-ethnics of any culpability for communist crimes, Brossat and Klingberg assure us that the militancy of their informants “was always messianic, optimistic, oriented to the Good — a fundamental and irreducible difference from that of the fascists with which some people have been tempted to compare it, on the pretext that one ‘militant ideal’ is equivalent to any other.”[A9] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A9) In other words, tens of millions may have died because of the actions of Jєωιѕн communist militants, but their hearts were pure.
Regarding such arguments, Kevin MacDonald observed how Jєωιѕн involvement with Bolshevism “is perhaps the most egregious example of Jєωιѕн moral particularism in all of history. The horrific consequences of Bolshevism for millions of non-Jєωιѕн Soviet citizens do not seem to have been an issue for Jєωιѕн leftists — a pattern that continues into the present.”[A10] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A10)
Jєωιѕн participation in Bolshevism as ethnic revenge
That their motivations were far from pure, and that ethnic animosity and desire for revenge were key factors driving the large-scale Jєωιѕн support of, and participation in, communist movements was obvious to the Jєωιѕн historian Norman Cantor who made the following observation:
Quote
The Bolshevik Revolution and some of its aftermath represented, from one perspective, Jєωιѕн revenge. During the heyday of the Cold War, American Jєωιѕн publicists spent a lot of time denying that — as 1930s αnтι-ѕємιтєs claimed — Jєωs played a disproportionately important role in Soviet and world Communism. The truth is until the early 1950s Jєωs did play such a role, and there is nothing to be ashamed of. In time Jєωs will learn to take pride in the record of the Jєωιѕн Communists in the Soviet Union and elsewhere. It was a species of striking back.[A11] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A11)
This corresponds with Kevin MacDonald’s assessment in Culture of Critique that the disproportionate participation of Jєωs in Bolshevik crimes was, in large part, “motivated by revenge against peoples that had historically been anti-Jєωιѕн.” One of the (non-Jєωιѕн) pioneers of the Dada movement, Hugo Ball, immediately recognized the obvious agenda behind the lopsided Jєωιѕн role in the Bolshevik Revolution and resulting Soviet administration.
Observing the make-up of the first Bolshevik Executive Committee (four out of six of whom were Jєωιѕн), he noted that “it would be strange if these men, who make decisions about expropriation and terror, did not feel old racial resentments against the Orthodox and pogrommatic Russia.”[A12] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A12)
Leading Jєωιѕн communists, like founder of the Mensheviks Yuli Martov, who became a close associate of Lenin and Trotsky, made a point of recalling his childhood experiences of Russian and Ukrainian anti-Semitism. The 1881 Odessa pogrom was his “first taste of primitive Russian anti-Semitism,” and Martov was “shaken to the depths of his being by the pogromist barbarity of Tsarist Russia.”
The event left a “permanent mark on his impressionable mind,” and he later underlined the connection between this experience and his subsequent revolutionary career, posing the question: “Would I have become what I became if the Russian reality had not imprinted her coarse fingers on my plastic, youthful soul in that memorable night and carefully planted under the cover of that burning pity which she aroused in my childlike heart, the seeds of a redeeming hatred?”[A13] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A13)
While Trotsky, the architect of the Bolshevik ιnѕυrrєcтισn and creator of the Red Army, claimed his Jєωιѕн origins and Jєωιѕн interests did not guide his attraction to Bolshevism, his biographer Joshua Rubenstein disagrees, noting that he “was a Jєω in spite of himself,” who “gravitated to Jєωs wherever he lived,” and “never abided physical attacks on Jєωs, and often intervened to denounce such violence and organize a defense.”[A14] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A14) As leader of the Red Army during the cινιℓ ωαr, Trotsky “had to deal with the anti-Semitic attitudes among the population,” and “successfully recruited Jєωs for the Red Army because they were eager to avenge pogrom attacks.”[A15] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A15)
At the same time, he “voiced his concern over the high number of Jєωs in the Cheka, knowing that their presence could only provoke hatred towards Jєωs as a group.” Trotsky was feted by Jєωs worldwide as “an avenger of Jєωιѕн humiliations under Tsarism, bringing fire and slaughter to their worst enemies.”[A16] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A16)
Ethnic revenge was also a motivation for Lazar Kaganovich, the Jєωιѕн member of the Politburo who presided over the forced famine that took the lives of millions of Ukrainian peasants and the mass deportation of “anti-Semitic” Cossacks to Siberia in the 1930s. Kaganovich had “battled the chauvinistic and anti-Semitic Black Hundreds, especially strong in Kyiv, both before and after the 1911 Beilis affair, the Russian version of the Dreyfus affair.”[A17] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A17)
The assassination of the Russian Prime Minister Stolypin in the same year resulted in the Black Hundreds attempting “to whip up a pogrom.” In response, the “Bolsheviks took measures to protect themselves and to rebuff this threat,” and “Kaganovich only joined the party after these momentous events.” He studied Lenin’s works at this time, and the Bolshevik leader’s article “Stolypin and Revolution” which depicted Stolypin as “an organizer of Black Hundred gangs and anti-Semitic pogroms” made a “big impression” on him.[A18] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A18)
Kaganovich later became known as the “butcher of the Ukrainians.” As Soviet leader in the Ukraine he received reports docuмenting “widespread dissatisfaction among workers fuelled by high unemployment, with widespread anti-Semitism, with workers and peasants denouncing the ‘dominance of red nobility of Yids.’” Kaganovich played a “highly visible” role in suppressing this “nationalist deviation” in 1925–28, and later oversaw the forced collectivization of 1932–33, conceived as part of an “assault on the Ukrainian nationalist intelligentsia.”
The country was sealed off and all food supplies and livestock were confiscated with Kaganovich leading “expeditions into the countryside with brigades of OGPU troopers” who used “the gun, the lynch mob and the Gulag system to break the villages.”[A19] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A19) The secret police, led by Genrikh Yagoda (also Jєωιѕн) exterminated all “anti-party elements.” Furious that insufficient Ukrainians were being shot, Kaganovich set a quota of 10,000 executions a week. Eighty percent of Ukrainian intellectuals were shot. During the winter of 1932–33, 25,000 Ukrainians per day were being shot or left to die of starvation.[A20] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A20)
The Bolsheviks mounted murderous campaigns against entire ethnic groups. The Soviet government killed at least 30 million people, most in the first 25 years of the regime’s existence during the height of Jєωιѕн power. The Jєωιѕн intellectual, G.A. Landau, writing in 1923, was stunned by the “cruelty, sadism, and violence” of Jєωιѕн functionaries in the Red Army and secret police “who yesterday did not know how to use a gun” but who “are now found among the executioners and cutthroats.”[A21] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A21)
I.M. Bikerman was similarly shocked at the “disproportionate and immeasurably fervent Jєωιѕн participation in the torment of half-dead Russia by the Bolsheviks.”[A22] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A22) In response to attempts by Jєωs to disassociate their ethnicity from such figures, the Jєωιѕн intellectual I.A. Bromberg noted the cognitive dissonance in the Jєωιѕн “passion for seeking out and extolling the Jєωs famous in various fields of cultural life,” and especially “the shameless circus around the name of Einstein,” while simultaneously distancing themselves from Jєωιѕн communist criminals. D.S. Pasmanik agreed, noting how “Ethnic Jєωs not only do not denounce an Einstein or an Ehrlich; they do not even reject the baptized Heine and Boerne. And this means they have no right to disavow Trotsky and Zinoviev.”[A23] (http://server4.kproxy.com/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/shhzdcy/s4iwolzo/p1/servlet/redirect.srv/sruj/sixf/sjkl/p1/article/a-review-of-revolutionary-yiddishland-a-history-of-Jєωιѕн-radicalism/#footnote_1_A23)